Burmese-Lolo Group

Some of the content on this page was published as
Gerner, M. (2015). “Yí 彝.” Encyclopedia of Chinese language and linguistics. General Editor R. Sybesma. Leiden: Brill.

Introduction

The Burmese-Lolo languages are divided into the Burmish and Loloish branch. Most Loloish languages are spoken by ethnic Yí 彝 people who constitute one of the 56 official nationalities in China. Ethnographic writers concur that the origin of most Loloish groups trace back more than 2000 years to an ancient group called Ni people. Steven Harrell, quoting the Chinese ethno-historiographer Mă Chángshoù 马长寿, believes that the earliest mention of the Yí is in historical accounts of the Zhou dynasty (1048-250 B.C.). Early Chinese records referred to Southwestern peoples as Wūmán 乌蛮 (Black Barbarians) and Báimán 白蛮 (White Barbarians). These names may point to the basic color labels applicable to virtually every minority in Southwest China, not only the Yi, but also other groups such as the Miao, Tai, Lahu, Lisu, etc. After the 12th century, Chinese sources gradually employed the name Lúo that contained the pejorative animal radical. The name subsequently evolved into its reduplicated form Lolo. This appellation was the designation used by Chinese and Westerners for several centuries until 1949 when, it was substituted by the name with the arrival of the People’s Republic of China. In the language classification literature, Lolo survived within the language group designation Loloish languages.

Phylogenetics

The Burmese-Lolo languages belong to the Tibeto-Burman languages that are remote relatives of the Sinitic languages within the Sino-Tibetan family. The Burmese-Lolo languages are one of seven major language groups falling under the Tibeto-Burman nod. The name Tibeto-Burman derives from the most widely spoken of these languages: Burmese (32 million speakers) and Tibetan (8 million). The Tibeto-Burman languages comprise of more than 450 languages spoken in China, India, Myanmar, Nepal and Thailand as shown on the first map.

According to scholars who have classified Tibeto-Burman languages, the Loloish languages constitute the principal component of the Burmese-Lolo language group. The majority of Loloish languages are spoken by ethnic Yí 彝 people who constitute one of the 56 official nationalities in China. Most scholars exclude Qiang, the extinct Tangut (西夏) language and Nung from Burmese-Lolo. Meanwhile Sūn, Hóngkāi 孙宏开 includes the Bai, Bisu and Tujia languages within the Yi (Loloish) group; these languages have been classified by Western scholars in other groups of Tibeto-Burman.

The Loloish languages have shared the same geographical area with Chinese for thousands of years. They are not inflectional like most other Tibeto-Burman languages. Instead, they have assimilated into Chinese with an isolating morphology.

During 1996-2013, we collected wordlists and grammar questionnaires from about 175 places. The data can be accessed through a separate interactive map on this website.

 

Documentation

In this section we document some typologically outstanding properties of Burmese-Lolo languages. Most of these properties have been published in academic journals over the past few years.

Phonology

The Loloish languages are characterized by a relatively high number of simple consonants, by the predominance of monophthongs and by tonal systems consisting of 3-5 tones. 

Consonants

Consonant systems of different Yi languages resemble each other and tend to exhibit large numbers of simple consonants, but only a few complex consonants. For example, there is a three-way contrast between voiced, voiceless, and aspirated stops for all three major points of articulation, i.e. bilabial, alveolar, and velar. Illustrations originate from Lalo spoken in Wēishān 巍山 county.

Voiced

[b]:

ba33

‘bright’

[d]:

da33

‘horny’

[g]:

ga33

‘help’

Voiceless

[p]:

ʔna21pu55

‘ear’

[t]:

ga55tu55

‘yard’

[k]:

ku55

‘in’

Aspirated

[ph]:

phy55

‘sprinkle’

[th]:

thy55

‘speak’

[kh]:

khy55

‘gurgle’

Furthermore, there are several rare consonant patterns in the Yi group. For example, Liángshān Nuosu displays a bilabial voiced trill in its sound inventory represented as [ʙ]. It always occurs before the vowel [u] and sometimes with alveolar consonant onset as in [tʙ]. This trill is more pronounced in creaky syllables and/or with alveolar consonant onset.

 

[ʙ]:

ʑi33ʙu44

‘roof’

[tʙ]:

u55

‘poison’

 

[ʙ]:

ʙu55ʂə33

‘meadow’

[tʙ]:

ʂɯ33u33

‘steel’

The Neasu language spoken in Wēiníng 威宁 county (Guìzhōu) has an extensive set of retroflex consonants. The retroflex stops and nasal are particularly noteworthy.

Plosives

[ɳɖ]:

ɳɖɤ33

‘traverse’

[ɖ]:

ɖɤ21

‘fly’

[ʈ]:

ʈɤ55

‘weave’

h]:

ʈhɤ55

‘leave over’

Africates

[ɳɖʐ]:

ɳɖʐa33

‘measure’

[ɖʐ]:

ɖʐa21

‘import’

[ʈʂ]:

ʈʂa33

‘support’

[ʈʂh]:

ʈʂha33

‘should’

Nasals/Fricatives

[ɳ]:

ɳu55

‘event’

[ʐ]:

ʐa55

‘forgive’

[ʂ]:

ʂa33χɤ33

‘healthy’

 

 

 

The Nase language spoken in Luópíng 罗平 county (Yúnnán) has a double voicing alternation in the same consonant cluster. These oscillating clusters, which exist for the bilabial, alveolar and velar positions, consist of a voiced prenasal, a voiceless stop, as well as a breathy voicing release.

 

[mph]:

mphɯ33

‘fell’

[nth]:

nthɯ55

‘think’

[ŋkh]:

ŋkhu21

‘door’

 

[mph]:

mpha33

‘word’

[nth]:

ntho33

‘drink’

[ŋkh]:

ŋkho33

‘write’

Vowels, tones and syllables

Vowel systems are simple and basically comprise of monophthongs and sometimes of a few diphthongs, such as [iε] or [uɔ]. Most Yi languages we surveyed have unrounded central [ɨ] and back vowels [ɯ] or [ɤ] ([ɤ] are only attested in the Neasu language of Wēiníng 威宁 county in Guìzhōu). Most Yi languages have a contrast [i]-[ɪ] (e.g. Liángshān Nuosu) or [i]-[y] (e.g. Wēishān Lalo, Wēiníng Neasu).

All Yi languages have a stock of at least three contrastive tones: high [55], middle [33] and low [21] (sometimes [11]). Liángshān Nuosu has only three tones in addition to one sandhi-tone [44] which is not fully contrastive. On the other hand, Wēiníng Neasu and Mílè Axi have four and five contrasting tones, respectively. (Yi languages with sandhi-tones might be more numerous than those without.)

Liángshān Nuosu

[55]

[33]

[21]

(Sìchuān)

bo55 ‘party’

bo33 ‘go’

bo21 ‘shine’

Wēiníng Neasu

[55]

[33]

[21]

[13]

(Guìzhōu)

ʈʂhu55 ‘spoiled’

ʈʂhu33 ‘car’

ʈʂhu21 ‘relatives’

ʈʂhu13 ‘sweet’

Mílè Axi

[55]

[33]

[42]

[22]

[11]

(Yúnnán)

ni55 ‘fall over’

ni33 ‘dew’

ni42 ‘hungry’

ni22 ‘sit’

ni11 ‘ox’

The syllable structure in most Yi languages is relatively simple C(C)V(V)T (where T represents a suprasegmental tone). Syllables are open without nasal or obstruent closure. In addition to the regular modal phonation type, two other syllable types are widespread in the Yi group: creaky syllables and nasalized syllables. The emergence of the latter type can be attributable to Chinese loanwords. Syllables with nasal closure were borrowed from Chinese and progressively truncated into nasalized open syllables.

Morphology

The Loloish languages contain some exceptional parts of speech that I succinctly sketch below. Several Loloish languages have definite articles. In Mílè Axi (Yúnnán) and Yǒngrén Lolo (Yúnnán), the general classifier, if deferred after the head noun N+CL, functions as definite article. In Liángshān Nuosu, definite articles are derived from classifiers by suffixing the nominalization particle -su. The bare classifier functions as an indefinite article.

 

 

Liángshān Nuosu

(1)

a.

tsho33

ma33

 

b.

tsho33

ma44su33

 

 

man

CL

 

 

man

ART=CL+DET

    ‘a man’   ‘the man’

(2)

a.

ʙu33ȿə33

tɕi33

 

b.

ʙu33ȿə33

tɕi44su33

 

 

snake

CL

 

 

snake

ART=CL+DET

    ‘a snake’   ‘the snake’

Wēiníng Neasu (Guìzhōu) exhibits two definite articles which encode deictic information (close/far from speaker). These definite articles derive historically from the merger of demonstratives and the general classifier mo33. They included originally a medial definite article which further developed into a topic marker.

Determiner

Proximal

Medial

Distal

Demonstratives

tha55

na55

ga55

Definite articles

thɔ33

 

55

Topic marker

 

33

 

Table 1: Determiners in Wēiníng Neasu

 

 

Wēiníng Neasu

(3)

a.

hnu33tshɔ33

tha55

21

 

 

b.

hnu33tshɔ33

thɔ33

 

 

person

DEM:PROX

CL

 

 

 

person

ART:PROX

    ‘this person’       ‘the person (close to speaker)’

(4)

a.

hnu33tshɔ33

na55

21

 

 

b.

hnu33tshɔ33

33

 

 

person

DEM:MED

CL

 

 

 

person

TOP

    ‘that person (at medial distance)’     ‘as for the person,…’

(5)

a.

hnu33tshɔ33

ga55

21

 

 

b.

hnu33tshɔ33

55

 

 

person

DEM:DIST

CL

 

 

 

person

ART:DIST

    ‘that person (far away)’     ‘the person (far away)’

In the pronominal system, Liángshān Nuosu exhibits a rare African-style logophor with two suppletive forms: i33 (singular) and o21 (plural). In the narrow sense, a logophor is a proform that marks dependency on the speaker of a reported speech. Nuosu and Mupun exhibit logophors with this function. In the extended sense, a logophor codes dependency on a secondary speaker and additionally, on the person to whom an attitude, thought, or feeling is ascribed. The Chinese long-distance reflexive zìjĭ 自己 is a logophor in the broader sense. One feature of logophors in the narrow sense sense like that in Nuosu is that they need not be c-commanded by their antecedents.

 

 

Liángshān Nuosu

(6)

a.

ʂa33ma331

33ka552

tɕo44

hi21

ko33

i331/*2/*3

vu33

o44

di44.

 

 

male name

male name

to

say

SENT-TOP

LOG-SG

crazy

DP

QUOT

    ‘Shama1 told Muka2 that he1/*2/*3 became crazy.’

 

b.

33ka551

ʂa33ma332

di44

ta33

33

hi21

ko33

o21*1/2/*3

vu33

o44

di44.

 

 

male name

male name

at

COV

hear

say

SENT-TOP

LOG-PL

crazy

DP

QUOT

    ‘Muka1 heard from Shama2 that they*1/2/*3 became crazy.’

Liángshān Nuosu exhibits a particularly strong synesthetic sound symbolism. Prefixing i- to an adjectival root produces the diminutive member for a closed set of gradual antonym pairs, whereas prefixing a- to the same root yields the augmentative member.

[i] diminutive

[a] augmentative

i44-ʂo33

‘short’

a33-ʂo33

‘long’

i44-tʙu33

‘thin’

a33-tʙu33

‘thick’

i44-ḷ33

‘light’

a44-ḷ33

‘heavy’

i44-dʑə33

‘narrow’

a33-dʑə33

‘wide’

i44-ȵi33

‘few’

a44-ȵi33

‘much, many’

i44-fu33

‘fine’

a33-fu33

‘coarse’

i44-nu33

‘soft’

a44-kɔ33

‘hard’

ɪ55-tsɨ33

‘small’

a44-ʑə33

‘big’

Table 2: Synesthetic sound symbolism in Liángshān Nuosu

Syntax

The Loloish languages exhibit special types of syncretic and differential case marking. For clarification: case syncretism is identical marking of different syntactic relations; differential case marking on the other hand, signifies different marking of the same syntactic relation. Differential subject/object marking (DSM/DOM) is reported in more than 300 languages worldwide. The factors that trigger DSM/DOM can be classified into four categories:

Type

Category

Trigger

I

Property of subject or object

Animacy/definiteness/person of subject or object

II

Relationship between subject and object

Their relative rank in animacy/definiteness/person-hierarchy

III

Relationship between subject, object, predicate

Ambiguity of subject and object

IV

Property of relation between subject, object, predicate

Tense, aspect, mood

Table 3: Factors that trigger DSM/DOM

Burmese-Lolo exhibit languages of the trigger type I, III, IV. Subject marking in Mílè Azhee hinges on the subject’s animacy as well as on the ambiguity of subject and object (type I and III), whereas object marking in Yǒngrén Lolo depends on the ambiguity of subject and object alone (type III). The aspect of the whole clause (type IV) decides the subject marking in Gèjiù Nesu and the basic word order in Liángshān Nuosu.

DSM in Mílè Azhee

DSM in Mílè Azhee is triggered by the animacy of the subject (A) and also by potential A/O-ambiguity. It exhibits type I and III. Many Burmese-Lolo languages mark the subject on the basis of its animacy. Animacy-triggered DSM is sparsely attested in only 10% of the world’s languages. The Azhee case marker la55 marks either inanimate subjects or subjects that are ambiguous with objects; it does not mark other transitive subjects.

Split (animacy, ambiguity)

Inanimate or ambiguous A

 

Animate and unambiguous A

A-la55

 

A-Ø

The postposition la55 splits transitive clauses into sentences with inanimate and animate subjects. It marks one noun phrase as A, the instigating force. With zero marking, the sentence remains ungrammatical.

(7)

a.

lu33ho21

la55

go33mo33

 

tie21

55

wa55.

 

b.

*

lu33ho21

 

go33mo33

 

tie21

55

wa55.

 

 

hail

DSM

wheat

 

hit

collapse

DP

 

 

 

hail

 

 

 

hit

collapse

DP

 

 

A

 

O

 

V

 

 

 

 

A

 

O

 

V

 

 

    ‘The hail destroyed the wheat.’       Intended: ‘The hail destroyed the wheat.’  

Word order is free as long as the inanimate A is marked by la55, which can occur in the initial or second position.

(8)

 

po33li21

5555

la55

tȿo33ʑe33

wa55.

 

 

glass

fire

DSM

melt

DP

    ‘The glass was melted by fire.’

The basic Azhee word order is unstable like in many other Loloish languages. Native speakers strongly prefer using the postposition la55 to disambiguate between the subject and object. The NP marked by la55 can occur in both the first and second position.

(9)

a.

a33ȿa55po55

a3333

bu21.

 

b.

a3333

a33ȿa55po55

bu21.

 

 

male name

female name

carry

 

 

female name

male name

carry

 

 

A/O

O/A

V

 

 

A/O

O/A

V

    ‘Ashabo carried Anna.’ / ‘Anna carried Ashabo.’     ‘Anna carried Ashabo.’ / ‘Ashabo carried Anna.’

(10)

a.

a33ȿa55po55

la55

a3333

bu21.

 

b.

a3333

a33ȿa55po55

la55

bu21.

 

 

male name

DSM

female name

carry

 

 

female name

male name

DSM

carry

 

 

A

 

O

V

 

 

A

O

 

V

    ‘Ashabo carried Anna.’     ‘Ashabo carried Anna.’
DOM in Yǒngrén Lolo

DOM in Yǒngrén Lolo is triggered by potential A/O-ambiguity and belongs to type III. The differential object marker thie21 splits direct objects into those that are ambiguous with the subject and those that are not. This marker is only used if the meaning of the predicate does disambiguate between the subject and the object. This marker cannot be used when the predicate disambiguates between the subject and object.

Split (ambiguity)

Ambiguous O

 

Unambiguous O

O-thie21

 

O-Ø

The basic word order of subject and object is free. Ambiguous clauses such as those in (11) can and should be disambiguated by the object marker thie21.

(11)

a.

ʐɔ21

ɕɛ33mo33

ʈȿhɔ33

ʑi33.

 

b.

ɕɛ33mo33

ʐɔ21

ʈȿhɔ33

ʑi33.

 

 

3.SG

snake

follow

go

 

 

snake

3.SG

follow

go

 

 

A/O

O/A

V

 

 

 

A/O

O/A

V

 

    ‘He follows the snake./ The snake follows him.’ (For both a and b)

(12)

a.

33ka55

χe33khɯ33

thie21

ti55

na33.

 

b.

33ka55

thie21

χe33khɯ33

ti55

na33.

 

 

tree

house

DOM

smash

break

 

 

tree

DOM

house

smash

break

 

 

A

O

 

V

 

 

A

 

O

V

    ‘The tree smashed the house.’     ‘The house smashed the tree.’

The marker thie21 is also used to disambiguate between the subject (A) and the indirect object (B). Sentence (13a) without thie21 is ambiguous; sentence (13b) with thie21 is disambiguated.

(13)

a.

ŋo33

su5521

ʐɔ21

mo55.

 

b.

ŋo33

su5521

ʐɔ21

thie21

mo55.

 

 

1.SG

book

3.SG

show

 

 

1.SG

book

3.SG

DOM

show

 

 

A/B

O

B/A

V

 

 

A

O

B

 

V

   

‘I showed him a book./ He showed me a book.’

    ‘I showed him a book.’
DSM in Gèjiù Nesu

DSM in Gèjiù Nesu (and also Burmese) is triggered by the aspect of the clause and exhibits type IV. The Nesu particle ka55 marks subjects differentially in accordance with the aspect of the whole clause. The subject must be case-marked, if the simple clause encodes a resultative state; it can be case-marked if the clause is perfective without implying a result. It cannot be case-marked if the clause is imperfective. The Burmese marker ká exhibits similar properties as well.

Split (aspect)

Clause resultative

Clause perfective but not resultative

Clause imperfective

A-ka55

A-(ka55)

A-Ø

The Nesu language has basic AOV order. The differential subject marker ka55 is obligatory in monotransitive clauses with resultative state. This is also applicable on subjects (A) that are animate, as in (14), or inanimate, as seen in (15).

(14)

 

55

ka55

nu33mo2133

 

tsɨ33

a21mu21

thɛ21

wa33.

 

 

 

3.SG

DSM

yellow bean

 

grind

powder

become

DP

 

 

 

A

 

O

 

V

 

 

 

 

    ‘He ground the yellow beans to a fine powder.’

(15)

 

mu3333

ka55

21

 

21

33

 

wa33.

 

 

 

wind

DSM

house

 

blow

collapse

 

DP

 

 

 

A

 

O

 

V

 

 

    ‘The storm blew down the house.’

The subject can be optionally marked in clauses that are not resultative or imperfective. Example (16) shows a quantized event, whereas example (17) exhibits a bounded event. Furthermore, ditransitive subjects can be optionally marked by ka55, as evidenced in (18).

(16)

 

55

(ka55)

33

33

dzɚ55

 

dzɨ33

 

wa33.

 

 

3.SG

DSM

tree

NUM:3

CL

 

fell

 

DP

 

 

A

 

O

 

V

 

 

    ‘He fell three trees.’

(17)

 

55

(ka55)

hi21

go21

 

pi21khɚ55

 

wa33.

 

 

3.SG

DSM

house

door

 

close

 

DP

 

 

A

 

O

 

V

 

 

    ‘He closed the door.’

(18)

 

55

(ka55)

ʑi21mo21

 

tshi33

 

ŋo33

 

dʑe21

wa33.

 

 

3.SG

DSM

money

 

lend

 

1.SG

 

COV:give

DP

 

 

A

 

O

 

V

 

B

 

 

 

    ‘He lent me money.’

The differential subject marker ka55 is prohibited in progressive transitive clauses, as seen in (19); in stative transitive clauses (20); and in intransitive clauses (21).

(19)

 

55

(*ka55)

thɛ33ɕe21

 

tshɨ33

dzɚ21.

 

 

3.SG

DSM

clothes

 

wash

PROG

 

 

A

 

O

 

V

 

    ‘He is washing clothes.’

(20)

 

ʑi2121

pho21

vi55la21

(*ka55)

ʑi21

 

ŋɛ33tshɚ21.

 

 

dry

NOM

flower

SDM

water

 

need

 

 

A

 

O

 

V

    ‘The dry flower needs water.’

(21)

 

55

(*ka55)

ŋɯ55

ɬi21ɬi21.

 

 

3.SG

DSM

cry, weep

IDE~

 

 

S

 

V

 

    ‘He is weeping bitterly.’
Differential Word Order in Liángshān Nuosu

The Liángshān Nuosu language incorporates the use of differential word order depending on the aspect of the whole clause. Nuosu exhibits type IV. The word order needs to be AOV, if the simple clause encodes a resultative state; it can be AOV or OAV if the clause is perfective without implying a result; on the other hand, it must be AOV if the clause is imperfective.

Split (aspect)

Clause resultative

Clause perfective but not resultative

Clause imperfective

OAV

AOV/OAV

AOV

Resultative clauses impose OAV order and either use resultative auxiliaries, as evidenced in (22), O-oriented manner adverbs, as observed in (23), or by expressions of the form V1-si44-V2 (V1 is an activity verb, V2 is a directional verb), as illustrated in (24).

(22)

 

ndʐə33

33

ndʐə33

ʑɔ55

si21

lo55tɕi33

tɕi33

ŋa33

 

dʑɔ33

ko44ʂa33

o44.

 

 

wine

do

wine

wrong

CONJ

finger

CL

1.SG

 

fell

SEND

DP

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

O

A

 

V

 

    ‘Because of the wine, I have cut off my finger.’

(23)

 

vi55ga33

44su33

a44mo33

tsɦɨ33

hu44tsɨ33tsɨ33

o44.

 

 

clothes

ART (CL-DET)

mother

wash

snow-white

DP

 

 

O

A

V

 

 

    ‘The clothes were washed snow-white by Mum.’

(24)

 

la21bu33

 

tshɨ33

33

-si44-

bo33.

 

 

ox

 

3P SG

borrow

CONJ

go

 

 

O

 

A

V1

 

V2

    ‘He borrowed the ox.’

Thematic roles are not encoded for certain verbs in Nuosu. A bare predication with two human NPs is generally deemed ambiguous.

(25)

 

a33ȵɔ33

33ko44

33vṵ33.

 

 

female name

male name

love

 

 

A/O

O/A

V

    ‘Anyuo loves Mugo.’/or: ‘Mugo loves Anyuo.’

Nuosu involves a grammatical tone on personal pronouns and certain verbs to disambiguate thematic roles. The [44]-sandhi tone is mainly the result of a rule [33]+[33] → [44]+[33] in a number of syntactic environments. With regard to the singular personal pronoun tshɨ33 which has the [33] tone in isolation, the [44]-sandhi tone has further acquired a grammatical meaning. It encodes the role of direct object, as demonstrated in (26). Moreover, a limited set of monosyllabic verbs have a tonal alternation [21]/[44] whereby the low tone imposes OAV order and the sandhi-tone requires AOV order, something that is illustrated in (27) for the verb ndu21/ndu44.

(26)

a.

a33ȵɔ33

tshɨ33

33vṵ33.

 

b.

a33ȵɔ33

tshɨ44

33vṵ33.

 

 

female name

3P SG

love

 

 

female name

3P SG

love

    ‘He loves Anyuo’    ‘Anyuo loves him.’

(27)

a.

a33ȵɔ33

33ka55

ndu21.

 

b.

a33ȵɔ33

33ka55

ndu44.

 

 

female name

male name

beat

 

 

female name

male name

love

    ‘Muka beats Anyuo.’     ‘Anyuo beats Muka.’

Imperfective clauses are marked by the progressive marker ndʑɔ33, as illustrated in (28), by the presence of agent- or verb-orientated manner adverbs, as evidenced in (29), or by complex verbs of the form V1V2 (V1 is an activity verb, V2 is a directional verb), as seen in (30).

(28)

 

a33ȵɔ33

33ka55

33vṵ33

ndʑɔ33.

 

 

female name

male name

love

PROG

 

 

S

O

 

 

    ‘Anyuo loves Muga.’

(29)

 

tsho33ho55a33ma55

ma33

ʐa44dʐa4433

33

33bo33

bo33

psɨ21

ko44

ŋga33

ʑə33

o44.

 

 

sorceress

CL

curse

ADVL

tree

CL

carry

there

pass

go down

DP

 

 

A

ADV

 

O

V

 

 

 

 

    ‘A sorceress, cursing carried a tree and passed by.’

(30)

 

tsɦɨ21

nʑi21

33

vz21vu33

i44ʑi33

di44

la21bu33

33

la33.

 

 

Num.1

day

TOP

elder brother

younger brother

LOC

ox

borrow

come

 

 

 

 

 

A

 

 

O

V1

V2

    ‘One day, the elder brother came to borrow an ox from his brother.’
Tense, Aspect, Mood

Bare verbs are a common phenomenon in Loloish languages and communicate ambiguous TAM (tense, aspect, and mood) meanings. Verbs are only marked for TAM concepts, and not for subject agreement. It is possible to suffix one, two, or three TAM particles to the verb. Standard TAM meanings expressed through these particles are perfect, progressive, experiential, and habitual aspect, future tense, epistemic, or deontic mood. We survey three exceptional particles below.

Exhaustive Aspect in Liángshān Nuosu

In Liángshān Nuosu, the so-called exhaustion particle targets three types of structures: the clause-initial NP on which it acts as universal quantifier (‘all’), the VP which it modifies as completive marker (‘completely’), as well as the AP on which it contributes the meaning of superlative (‘most’). This marker assumes the form sa55.

(31)

 

tsho33

hi55

ʑɔ21su33

thɯ21ʑə33

21

sa55.

 

 

people

NUM:8

ART (CL-DET)

book

see, read

EXH

    ‘The eight people are all reading books.’

(32)

 

tsho21ɣo44

21hmi33

tshi33

ma33

dzɯ33

sa55

o44.

 

 

3P PL

nut

NUM:10

CL

eat

EXH

DP

   

(i) ‘They all ate ten nuts.’

(ii) ‘They completely ate up ten nuts.’

(iii) ‘They all completely ate up ten nuts.’

(33)

 

i33ti44

a33dzɨ44

gu44

ndʐa55

sa55.

 

 

garment

DEM:DIST

CL

beautiful

EXH

    ‘That garment is the most beautiful.’
Ambiperfective Aspect in Yǒngrén Lolo

In Yǒngrén Lolo, the sentence-final particle do55, termed ambiperfective particle, is used to convey imperfective (progressive) and perfective (completive) meanings, depending on the aspectual constitution of the clause. Table 4 depicted below provides an overview of the semantic contribution of the particle do55 to different types of underlying clauses.

Underlying Clause

Contribution of ambiperfective do55

Punctual event

Perfective

Quantized event

Perfective / Imperfective

Bounded event

Perfective

Cumulative event

Imperfective

Table 4: The ambiperfective marker in Yǒngrén Lolo

Illustrations are given below. The ambiperfective particle, if appended to punctual events, conveys a (recent) perfective meaning, as seen in (34).

(34)

 

ɔ552133

tɦie21

ɔ5521ba21

tɦɯ21

33

do55.

 

 

sky

LOC

flash

exit

come

AMP

    ‘A flash has (just) appeared in the sky.’

For quantized events, the ambiperfective particle do55 conveys both of its meanings: perfective as well as imperfective meaning, resulting in ambiguous sentences.

(35)

 

ʐɔ21

ɔ55ɣo21

tɦɔ21

mo33

ɦɛ21

do55.

 

 

3.SG

song

NUM.1

CL

sing

AMP

   

(i) ‘She is singing a song.’

(ii) ‘She has just sung a song.’

Bounded events satisfy the property of final stage closure. These are events such as walk to the station, for which each final stage again reflects an event of the type walk to the station. When appended to bounded events, the ambiperfective particle do55 switches to a perfective marker.

(36)

 

ʐɔ21

dʑə21pɦi21

33

tʂo33

33

do55.

 

 

3.SG

money

purse

search

perceive

AMP

    ‘She has just found her purse.’

Finally, for cumulative events events, the Ambi-Perfective operator communicates an imperfective meaning; its perfective meaning is eclipsed.

(37)

 

ʐɔ21

55ʑi33

do33

do55.

 

 

3.SG

sweat

exit

AMP

    ‘He is sweating.’
Epistemic Mood in Luópíng Nase

In Luópíng Nase, three sentence-end particles are distinguished by tone alone. The particle di13 marks possible epistemic mood, the particle di55 marks necessary epistemic mood, and the particle di33 future tense.

TAM Concept

Particle

Possible Epistemic Mood

di13

Necessary Epistemic Mood

di55

Future Tense

di33

Table 5: Sentence particles in Luópíng Nase

These particles have historically been derived from the verb ‘say’, but none of them can no longer function as a verb in modern speech. The epistemic modals have preserved a verb-like property, namely the option of negation (whereas the future particle di33 cannot be negated). (38a+b) and (39a+b) exemplify this interplay of negation and modals. The particle di33 is illustrated in (40) and is not required in order to express future tense, but always expresses future tense when it is present in the clause.

(38)

a.

POSS(φ):

tʂɯ21

ni2155

pa55

na33

di13.

 

 

 

3P SG

younger sister

busy

very

POSS

      ‘His sister may be very busy.’
 

b.

¬NESS(¬φ):

tʂɯ21

ni2155

ma21

pa55

na33

ma21

di55.

 

 

 

3P SG

younger sister

NEG

busy

very

NEG

NESS

      ‘His sister is not necessarily idle (not busy).’

(39)

a.

NESS(φ):

tʂɯ21

ni2155

pa55

na33

di55.

 

 

 

3P SG

younger sister

busy

very

NESS

   
      ‘His sister must be very busy.’
 

b.

¬POSS(¬φ):

tʂɯ21

ni2155

ma21

pa55

na33

ma21

di13.

 

 

 

3P SG

younger sister

NEG

busy

very

NEG

POSS

      ‘It is impossible that his sister is idle (not busy).’

(40)

 

FUT(φ):

tʂɯ21

nu3333

di33.

 

 

 

3P SG

fall ill

FUT

      ‘He will fall ill.’

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