Introduction
The Miao-Yao 苗瑶 or Hmong-Mien languages are spoken by 14.2 million people primarily in Southwest China as well as the northern parts of Vietnam, Laos and Thailand. The Miao-Yao people are less populous and migrated less extensively than the Tai-Kadai groups. In the below sections, we describe a phylogenetic project and document linguistic highlights of the Miao languages.
Phylogenetics
The Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien) languages are spoken in nine provinces of Southwest China and across the border in neighboring Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand.
Purnell’s reconstructionSee Purnell, H., 1970, Toward a reconstruction of Proto-Miao-Yao. PhD dissertation. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University. of Proto Miao-Yao premised on 20 contemporary languages signified the first milestone on the path of establishing the Miao-Yao family. In light of the scarcity of data available from China where more than 90% of the Miao-Yao population dwells, this work is now considered to be outdated.
Chinese scholarsSee Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世, 1979, The comparison of initials and finals of Miao dialects 苗语方言声母韵母比较. Monograph presented at the 12th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, October 19-21, Paris.
Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世, 1994, Reconstruction of the sound system of Proto-Miao 苗语古音构拟. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa.
Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世 and Máo Zōngwǔ 毛宗武, 1995, Reconstruction of the sound system of Proto-Miao 苗语古音构拟. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press 中国社会科学出版社., in particular Wáng Fǔshì, published broad data from Miao-Yao languages within China several years later. Wáng and his colleagues established a tri-partite division of the Miao languages (Western, Central and Eastern) and then established a linkage between Miao-Yao languages to the Sino-Tibetan family. However, this connection was rejected by most Western scholars due to the large number of Chinese loanwords in the reconstructions. Their raw data, nevertheless, formed the basis of further reconstructionsSee Niederer, B., 1998, Les langues Hmong-Mjen (Miáo-Yáo): Phonologie historique. Lincom Studies in Asian Linguistics 7. Munich: Lincom Europa.
Consider especially:
Ratliff, M., 2010, Hmong-Mien Language History. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. of Miao-Yao languages.
Native legends of the Miao people point toward an ancient migration from a “cold land in the northSee Savina, F. M., 1924, Histoire des Miao. Paris: Société des Missions Etrangères.”; some myths mention an ancient indigenous script that the ancestors of the Miao lost in the process of forced migration. Remnants of this pictographic writing are said to be preserved in the sophisticated embroidery patternSee Enwall, J. (1994). A myth become reality. History and development of the Miao written language. Volume 1 and 2. Stockholm: University of Stockholm. of clothes and costumes. However, as per Han Chinese records, “Miao 苗” is the name used for non-Chinese groups living in the Yangtze basin south of the Han areas during the Qin dynasty (221-206 BC). Most scholars therefore see no linguistic evidenceOn this point, see especially Sagart, L., 1995, Chinese ‘buy’ and ‘sell’ and the direction of borrowings between Chinese and Hmong-Mian: A response to Haudricourt and Strecker. T'oung Pao 81(4-5), 328-344 (on p. 341). for a place of origin of the Miao-Yao people other than China. After the 18th century AD, some Miao and Yao groups moved out of China into neighboring countries: Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Myanmar. In the aftermath of the Second Indochina War (1960-1975), about 100,000 ethnic Miao and Yao were compelled to become refugees in the United States, France and Australia because they were allied with anti-communist forces that had lost the war. These Miao groups generally use Hmong as their selfname, similar to all Western Miao. While most scholars have not developed migration theories, they do concede that the Miao people dwelling outside of China descend from the Western Miao subgroup.
Another group that might have been incited to migrate out of China is the Hmu, or Central Miao. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the Hmu mounted three rebellions in against the imperial government Guìzhōu Province, all of which resulted in defeat:
-
the First Miao Rebellion (1735-1738),
-
the Second Miao Rebellion (1795-1806) and
-
the Third Miao Rebellion (1854-1873).
Robert JenksSee Jenks, R., 1994, Insurgency and social disorder in Guìzhōu. The “Miao” Rebellion 1854-1873. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. relates the motivations for the Miao to revolt to three types of grievances: the alienation of ancestral land by Han merchants, excessive government taxation, and maladministration on the part of officials. In addition to the Miao, other ethnic minorities, Muslims, discontented Han, and religious folk sects joined the insurrections during which, according to one account, almost five million people lost their lives and vast areas were depopulated. Besides anecdotal evidence, little to no data is available about population moving out of Southeast Guìzhōu, the epicenter of the conflict. If such moves did occur, it is highly likely that the Miao walked through Guangxi province. Two questions need to be answered in order to help (dis)prove the issue of Central Miao’s migration into Southeast Asia in the 19th century or earlier:
-
Did Proto-Western Miao, Proto-Central Miao, and Proto-Eastern Miao separate from each other at the same time or do two of them share a closer relationship?
-
Is the Bunu language of 400,000 speakers a Western Miao language, a Central Miao language, or an independent Miao language? The Bunu people, living in Central Guangxi province, were included by the Central Government in the Yao nationality, although they speak a Miao languageSee Strecker, D., 1987, Some Elements on Benedict’s “Miao-Yao enigma: The Na’e language.” Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 10(2), 22-42.. The genetic position of the Bunu language may illuminate key information on Miao migration patterns.
Documentation
In this section, we survey the Miao group in the domains of phonology, morphology, syntax, tense, aspect, and mood.
The Miao languages exhibit similar phonological systems with (C)(C)V(V)(C)T constituting the basic syllable structure. Several Miao languages use nasalized vowels and either six or eight tones.
We sketch three peculiar consonant subsets, the Hmu three-way set of fricative consonants, the 27 simple plosive consonants in Xong and the stop-lateral clusters in Western Miao languages.
The HmuHmu is a central Miao language spoken in Southeast Guìzhōu by about 1.4 million people. The data presented in this were collected by Matthias Gerner during 1996-2003. language exhibits a notable three-way contrast in fricative consonants (voiced/unvoiced/aspirated), whereas plosive consonants only distinguish two modes of articulation (unvoiced/aspirated).
[p]: |
pɛ35 |
‘full’ |
[t]: |
tən31 |
‘step on’ |
|
|
|
[k]: |
ki35 |
‘lift’ |
[q]: |
qei53 |
‘bald’ |
[pʰ]: |
pʰɛ33 |
‘repair’ |
[tʰ]: |
|
|
|
|
|
[kʰ]: |
kʰi33 |
|
[qʰ]: |
qʰei33 |
‘tie’ |
[v]: |
vɛ31 |
‘change’ |
[zIn Chinese loanwords such as rén 人.]: |
zən31 |
‘person’ |
[ʑ]: |
ʑa31 |
‘eight’ |
[ɣ]: |
ɣi33 |
‘stone’ |
|
|
|
[f]: |
fa11 |
‘rise’ |
[s]: |
sən33 |
‘cold’ |
[ɕ]: |
ɕa35 |
‘difficult’ |
|
|
|
[χ]: |
χei33 |
‘stick’ |
[fʰ]: |
fʰɛ35 |
‘turn over’ |
[sʰ]: |
sʰən44 |
‘believe’ |
[ɕʰ]: |
ɕʰa35 |
‘spend’ |
[xʰ]: |
xʰi44 |
‘quick’ |
|
|
|
Table 1: Plosive and fricative consonants in Hmu
In XongXong is an Eastern Miao language spoken by 900,000 people in Húnán 湖南 province. The data in this section are quoted from Sposato’s Grammar of Xong (2015) which analyzes the Xong language of Fènghuáng 凤凰county.
Sposato, A. M., 2015, A grammar of Xong. PhD Dissertation. New York: State University of New York at Buffalo., plosive consonants allow an exceptional number of secondary articulations such as prenasalization, palatalization, aspiration, and double or triple combinations thereof. These secondary articulations collectively build up a system of 27 simple stops for four points of articulation (bilabial, alveolar, velar, uvular).
[p]: |
pã41 |
‘half’ |
[t]: |
taw14 |
‘speech’ |
|
|
|
[k]: |
ki14 |
‘wind’ |
[q]: |
qɤ43 |
‘village’ |
[mp]: |
mpã454 |
‘think’ |
[nt]: |
ntaw14 |
‘tree’ |
[ŋk]: |
ŋka41 |
‘medicine’ |
[Nq]: |
Nqɤ41 |
‘sing’ |
|||
[pj]: |
pjɛɰ43 |
‘home’ |
[tj]: |
tju43 |
‘complete’ |
|
|
|
[kj]: |
kja41 |
‘stir-fry’ |
|
|
|
[ph]: |
phu22 |
‘speak’ |
[th]: |
thi21 |
‘stomach’ |
|
|
|
[kh]: |
kho43 |
‘poor’ |
[qh]: |
qha43 |
‘dry’ |
|
|
|
[ntj]: |
ntju22 |
‘to peck’ |
|
|
|
[ŋkj]: |
ŋkjɛ41 |
‘gold’ |
|
|
|
[mph]: |
mphã43 |
‘ant’ |
[nth]: |
ntha43 |
‘take off’ |
|
|
|
[ŋkh]: |
ŋkha43 |
‘bow’ |
[Nqh]: |
Nqhɛɰ43 |
‘fall out’ |
[pjh]: |
pjha21 |
‘blow’ |
[tjh]: |
tjhu14 |
‘press down’ |
|
|
|
[kjh]: |
kjha22 |
‘open’ |
|
|
|
[mpjh]: |
mpjha21 |
‘measure’ |
[ntjh]: |
ntjho14 |
‘smoky’ |
|
|
|
[ŋkjh]: |
ŋkjho41 |
‘magic’ |
|
|
|
Table 2: Secondary articulations in Xong
A distinct trait of Western Miao languages is the inclusion of plosive-lateral clusters. It is notable that these complex consonants are not attested in Central and Eastern Miao languages. Plosive-lateral clusters exist in Hékǒu HmongThis Western Hmong language is spoken in Hékǒu 河口 county of Yúnnán province. The data of Table 3 are quoted from:
Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社. for the bilabial and alveolar points of articulation, while in Green HmongGreen Hmong or Blue Hmong (the Hmong color term njua means green or blue) is a Western Miao language spoken in the provinces of Phrae and Nan in northern Thailand. The data are quoted from Lyman’s Grammar of Mong Njua:
Lyman, T. A., 1979, Grammar of Mong Njua (Green Miao). Sattley, California: The Blue Oak Press. they are formed for the bilabial and velar positions.
[pl]: |
pla33 |
‘once’ |
[tl]: |
tla35 |
‘spoon’ |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
[phl]: |
phlo44 |
‘cheeks’ |
[thl]: |
thla44 |
‘run’ |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
[mpl]: |
mpla33 |
‘slippery’ |
[ntl]: |
ntla35 |
‘ask’ |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
[mphl]: |
mphlai54 |
‘ring’ |
[nthl]: |
nthlao33 |
‘hoop’ |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Table 3: Plosive-Lateral Clusters in Hékǒu Hmong
[pl]: |
pláu |
‘four’ |
|
|
|
|
|
|
[kl]: |
kláw |
‘white’ |
|
|
|
[phl]: |
phlaw |
‘shock’ |
|
|
|
|
|
|
[khl]: |
khlěŋ |
Particle |
|
|
|
[mpl]: |
mplê |
‘paddy’ |
|
|
|
|
|
|
[ŋkl]: |
ŋklua |
‘flash’ |
|
|
|
[mphl]: |
(no illustration) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
[ŋkhl]: |
(no illustration) |
|
|
|
Table 4: Plosive-Lateral Clusters in Green Hmong
Several Miao languages incorporate the use of nasalized vowels. The vowel system in XongXong is an Eastern Miao language spoken by 900,000 people in Húnán province. The data are quoted from Sposato (2015:82-92).
Sposato, A. M., 2015, A grammar of Xong. PhD Dissertation. New York: State University of New York at Buffalo., for example, involves four nasalized monophtongs along with one nasalized diphthong.
Vowel type |
|
unrounded |
rounded |
||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
|
front |
central |
back |
back |
Monophthongs |
high |
i, ĩ |
|
|
u |
|
mid |
|
|
ɤ |
o, õ |
|
low |
ɛ |
a, ã |
ɑ, ɑ̃ |
ɔ, ɔː |
Diphthongs |
|
ɛɰ |
au |
ɤi, ɤ̃i |
|
Table 5: The Xong (nasalized) vowel system
Vowel Contrast |
Examples |
|
---|---|---|
i – ĩ |
mi454 ‘meter classifier’ |
mĩ454 ‘understand’ |
a – ã |
npa14 ‘pig’ |
npã454 ‘think’ |
ɑ – ɑ̃ |
mɑ43 ‘blister, boil’ |
mɑ̃43 ‘insect’ |
o – õ |
ŋo454 ‘fierce’ |
ŋõ454 ‘silver’ |
ɤi – ɤ̃i |
mɤi43 ‘coal’ |
mɤ̃i43 ‘human classifier’ |
Table 6: Plain and Nasalized Vowels in Xong
Two types of tone systems are attested. Hmong, Ahmao, and Xong exhibit six tones, of which, two further intersect with the phonation type of breathy voicing. In Hmong, the tones [21] and [33] contrast regularly breathy voicing versus non-breathy unvoicing. In Ahmao, it is the tones [21] and [33] whereas in Xong, it is the tones [22] versus [43]. The Hmu language does not use breathy voicing and has developed eight tones.
HmongHékǒu Hmong is a Western Miao language spoken in Hékǒu 河口 county of Yúnnán province, see Xiong and Cohen (2005: 12). Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社. |
6 tones |
[54] |
[42] |
[35] |
[44] |
[21] |
[33] |
|
|
(China) |
|
po54 ‘feed’ |
po42 ‘woman’ |
po35 ‘full’ |
po44 ‘width’ |
po21 ‘see’The non-breathy unvoiced phonation type contrasts with the breathy voiced phonation type: po21 ‘see’ versus po̤21 ‘thorn’. | po33 ‘conceal’The non-breathy unvoiced phonation type contrasts with the breathy voiced phonation type: po33 ‘conceal’ versus po̤33 ‘grandmother’. |
|
|
|
|
tua54 ‘thick’ |
tua42 ‘come’ |
tua35 ‘husk’ |
tua44 ‘kill’ |
tua21 ‘step on’ |
tua33 ‘die’ |
|
|
HmuHmu is a central Miao language spoken in Southeast Guìzhōu by about 1.4 million people. The examples in this table are quoted from Zhāng Yǒngxiáng 张永祥 and Xǔ Shìrén 许士仁, 1990, Miao-Han Dictionary 苗汉词典. Guiyang: Guìzhōu Nationalities Press 贵州民族出版社. |
8 tones |
[55] |
[31] |
[35] |
[44] |
[11] |
[33] |
[13] |
[53] |
(China) |
|
ta55 ‘come’ |
ta31 ‘throw’ |
ta35 ‘long’ |
ta44 ‘roast’ |
ta11 ‘lose’ |
ta33 ‘earth’ |
ta13 ‘die’ |
ta53 ‘wing’ |
|
|
ki55 ‘mus. Instr.’ |
ki31 ‘ditch’ |
ki35 ‘kind’ |
ki44 ‘egg’ |
ki11 ‘dry’ |
ki33 ‘corner’ |
ki13 ‘reveal’ |
ki53 ‘a bit’ |
The Miao languages contain systems of classifiers and demonstratives that are unusual from a cross-linguistic perspective. More specifically, the classifier declinations of Ahmao inflecting each classifier in six forms are unparalleled. Hmu encodes the contrast of specific versus unspecific reference in a minimal pair of forms, more specifically bare classifiers versus unspecific bare nouns. Furthermore, all Miao languages use one demonstrative reserved for marking the recognitial feature. Ahmao employs four demonstratives marking altitude, while Hmong uses three positional demonstratives, thereby indicating the position of an object relative to the speaker.
AhmaoThe earliest report of the Ahmao classifier system came from Wáng Fǔshì (1957) and the native Ahmao scholar Wáng Déguāng (1987). The data quoted in this section represent data originating from discussions between Wáng Déguāng and Matthias Gerner in 2005 shortly before the Ahmao teacher passed away. These data were then analyzed and published in Gerner and Bisang (2008, 2009, 2010).
Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世, 1957, The classifier in the Wēiníng dialect of the Miao language 贵州威宁苗语量词. Yǔyán Yánjiū 语言研究, 75-121.
Wáng Déguāng 王德光, 1987, Additional remarks on the classifiers of the Miao language in Wēiníng county. 贵州威宁苗语量词拾遗. Mínzú Yǔwén 民族语文 5: 36-39.
Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2008, Inflectional Speaker-Role Classifiers in Wēiníng Ahmao. Journal of Pragmatics 40(4), 719-732.
Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2009, Inflectional classifiers in Wēiníng Ahmao: Mirror of the history of a people. Folia Linguistica Historica 30(1/2), 183-218. Societas Linguistica Europaea.
Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2010, Classifier declinations in an isolating language: On a rarity in Wēiníng Ahmao. Language and Linguistics 11(3), 576-623. Taibei: Academia Sinica., a Western Miao language spoken in Wēiníng county of Guìzhōu province, inflects each of its ca. 50 classifiers in six forms and contrasts with other isolating languages (including other Miao languages), wherein nominal classifiers are unique indeclinable morphemes. Each classifier encodes a threefold meaning: a size value (the classified is augmentative, medial, diminutive), a definiteness value (the classified is definite, indefinite), as well as a register value (the speaker is male, female, and child). The size parameter is seen to correlate with the gender and age of the speaker in the following manner. Men typically employ augmentative classifiers, whereas women use medial classifiers. Meanwhile, children make use of diminutive classifiers.
(A) Form
If CVT indicates the base form (and augmentative, definite, male being its base values), the classifier paradigm can be represented in the following mannerC in the following table means “consonant” (simple, double, affricated, etc.); V means “vowel” (simple, double); T means “tone”, using numbers 1-5 to indicate pitch contours; * after a consonant means “suprasegmental phenomenon” (e.g. aspiration), but possibly absence of sound change as well..
Speaker’s Gender / Age |
Size |
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|---|---|
Male |
Augmentative |
CVT |
C*VT |
Female |
Medial |
Cai55 |
C*ai213 |
Children |
Diminutive |
Ca53 |
C*a35 |
Table 7: Inflectional paradigm of Ahmao Classifiers
It is possible to distinguish individual paradigms by understanding the manner in which indefinite forms are derived from their definite counterparts, for example, by voicing the initial consonant of the base form, by aspirating it, or by altering the tone.
(1) Indefinites are formed by voicing. A prominent exponent of this sound change is the plural and mass quantifier ti55 that uses a voiceless stop for the definite and voiced stop [d] for the indefinite forms. The augmentative definite and augmentative indefinite forms are further differentiated by a change in tone [55] to [31], see Table 8. Another example is the wide-spread animate classifier tu44 with cognates in the majority of other Miao languages. This classifier also functions as classifier of tools in Ahmao, see Table 9. The classifier for weather droppings ŋkey53 ‘shower’ voices the complex nasal-stop consonant in order to form the indefinite classifiers, see Table 10.
Speaker’s Gender/Age |
Size |
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|---|---|
Male |
Augmentative |
ti55 |
di31 |
Female |
Medial |
tiai55 |
diai213 |
Children |
Diminutive |
tia55 |
dia55 |
Table 8: Plural and Mass Classifier
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|
tu44 |
du31 |
tai44 |
dai213 |
ta44 |
da35 |
Table 9: Animate Classifier
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|
ŋkey53 |
ŋgey31 |
ŋkai53 |
ŋgai213 |
ŋkya53 |
ŋgeya35 |
Table 10: Classifier for Weather Droppings
(2) Indefinites are formed by (de)aspiration. The Ahmao classifier dʑa53 for lengthy objects (mainly for streets) uses voiced aspiration of the initial consonant in order to derive the indefinite classifiers from the definite classifiers, see Table 11. The voiced aspiration process occurs only on the augmentative forms for the classifiers bey53 ‘heap’ and gau53 ‘block, group’, whereas the medial and diminutive forms remain unaspirated. Meanwhile the [u] vowel is preserved for the indefinite forms of gau53, see Tables 12 and 13.
Speaker’s Gender/Age |
Size |
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|---|---|
Male |
Augmentative |
dʑa53 |
dʑɦa11 |
Female |
Medial |
dʑai53 |
dʑɦai213 |
Children |
Diminutive |
dʑa53 |
dʑɦa35 |
Table 11: Classifier for streets
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|
bey53 |
bɦey11 |
bai53 |
bai213 |
ba53 |
ba35 |
Table 12: Classifier ‘heap’
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|
gau53 |
gɦau11 |
gai53 |
guai213 |
ga53 |
gua35 |
Table 13: Classifier ‘block’, ‘group’
Interestingly, an inverted process of de-aspiration is also attested in a number of examples. The classifier of granules (e.g. sugar, rice) dlɦi35 de-aspirates the initial consonant below.
Speaker’s Gender/Age |
Size |
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|---|---|
Male |
Augmentative |
dlɦi35 |
dli44 |
Female |
Medial |
dlɦai213 |
dliai213 |
Children |
Diminutive |
dlɦa35 |
dlia35 |
Table 14: Classifier for granules
(3) Indefinites are formed by tone changes . Another group of classifiers relies on tone changes to differentiate between definite and indefinite classifiers. These tone derivations are stable for the medial-indefinite [213] and the diminutive-indefinite forms [35]. The tones of the augmentative-indefinite form are unstable. The ubiquitous inanimate classifier lu55 with cognates in other Miao languages derives the indefinite classifier by a change in tone [55] → [33], see Table 15. A small number of classifiers with tone changes for augmentative forms add other phonation processes, such as labialization or palatalization, on medial and diminutive forms. The two paradigms of Table 16 and 17 illustrate labialization and palatalization. However, the second process, namely, palatalization, has not yet fully developed.
Speaker’s Gender/Age |
Size |
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|---|---|
Male |
Augmentative |
lu55 |
lu33 |
Female |
Medial |
lai55 |
lai213 |
Children |
Diminutive |
la53 |
la35 |
Table 15: Inanimate Classifier
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|
zo53 |
zo31 |
zuai55 |
zuai53 |
zua53 |
zua35 |
Table 16: Classifier ‘bridge’
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|
ʂey55 |
ʂey44 |
ʂ(e)yai55 |
ʂ(e)yai213 |
ʂ(e)ya55 |
ʂ(e)ya35 |
Table 17: Classifier ‘liter’
(4) Indefinites are formed by other changes. Some classifiers exhibit atypical medial forms, albeit to a lesser extent atypical diminutive forms as well. One of these, the classifier tey11 ‘clump’, is depicted below. The augmentative form does not distinguish between the meanings of definite and indefinite.
Speaker’s Gender/Age |
Size |
Definite |
Indefinite |
---|---|---|---|
Male |
Augmentative |
tey11 |
tey11 |
Female |
Medial |
tui11 |
tui213 |
Children |
Diminutive |
tya11 |
tya35 |
Table 18: Classifier ‘clump’
(B) Meaning and use
Each Ahmao classifier qualifies the size of the noun referent (augmentative, medial, diminutive), specifies its discourse prominence (definite, indefinite) and belongs to a social register (male, female, child). In direct discourse, men typically choose a male register classifier, sometimes a female register classifier, and rarely a child register classifier. If they use a classifier of another register, they want to illuminate an inner mood or implicate some hidden meanings. Women typically employ female classifiers and sometimes a male register classifier in order to be provocative. Children generally utilize a classifier of their register but occasionally use a female classifier as well, though rarely a male classifier.
Ahmao (Wēiníng County) | ||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(1) |
a. |
lu55 |
ŋgɦa35 |
ȵi55 |
zau44 |
ta55die31 |
ma11? |
|
|
|
CL.AUG.DEF |
house |
DEM.PROX |
good |
very |
SOL |
|
Male speaker: ‘The big house is very nice, isn’t it?’ [Neutral] Female speaker: ‘The big house is very nice, isn’t it?’ [Audacious or boyish] Child speaker: ‘The big house is very nice, isn’t it?’ [Odd] |
|
b. |
lai55 |
ŋgɦa35 |
ȵi55 |
zau44 |
ta55die31 |
ma11? |
|
|
|
CL.MED.DEF |
house |
DEM.PROX |
good |
very |
SOL |
|
Male speaker: ‘The house is very nice, isn’t it?’ [Modest] Female speaker: ‘The house is very nice, isn’t it?’ [Neutral] Child speaker: ‘The (big) house is very nice, isn’t it?’ [Neutral] |
|
c. |
la53 |
ŋgɦa35 |
ȵi55 |
zau44 |
ta55die31 |
ma11? |
|
|
|
CL.DIM.DEF |
house |
DEM.PROX |
good |
very |
SOL |
|
Male speaker: ‘The small house is very nice, isn’t it?’ [Imitating children] Female speaker: ‘The small house is very nice, isn’t it?’ [Neutral] Child speaker: ‘The (small) house is very nice, isn’t it?’ [Neutral] |
The same size-related meanings and pragmatic nuances also hold for the subset of indefinite classifier forms. In the following three examples presented below, indefinite classifiers of animacy occur in a transitive existential construction.
(2) |
a. |
ȵɦi11 |
mɦa35 |
du31 |
zau44 |
ȵɦu35. |
||
|
|
3.SG |
have |
CL.AUG.INDEF |
good |
ox. |
||
Male speaker: ‘He has a nice big ox.’ [Neutral] Female speaker: ‘He has a nice big ox.’ [Audacious or boyish] Child speaker: ‘He has a nice big ox.’ [Odd] |
|
b. |
ȵɦi11 |
mɦa35 |
dai213 |
zau44 |
ȵɦu35. |
||
|
|
3.SG |
have |
CL.MED.INDEF |
good |
ox. |
||
Male speaker: ‘He has a nice big ox.’ [Modest] Female speaker: ‘He has a nice big ox.’ [Neutral] Child speaker: ‘He has a nice (big) ox.’ [Neutral] |
|
c. |
ȵɦi11 |
mɦa35 |
da35 |
zau44 |
ȵɦu35. |
||
|
|
3.SG |
have |
CL.DIM.INDEF |
good |
ox. |
||
Male speaker: ‘He has a nice big ox.’ [Imitating children] Female speaker: ‘He has a nice big ox.’ [Neutral] Child speaker: ‘He has a nice (little) ox.’ [Neutral] |
(C) Grammatizalization of classifiers
Special forces of change have brought this system to the fore. The single-morpheme classifiers were initially divided into three size classifiers. At a later stage, they were further split into three definite and three indefinite classifiers.
(1) Size split. Ahmao synchronically involves two nominal prefixes, an augmentative, and a diminutive prefix. The augmentative prefix is related to the term ‘mother’, and the diminutive prefix to the term ‘child’.
Lexical Origin |
Derived Prefix |
---|---|
ɲie53 ‘mother’ |
a55ɲie53 (Augmentative) |
ŋa55ʑau11 ‘child’ |
ŋa11 (Diminutive) |
Table 19: Origin of Size Prefixes in Ahmao
In Ahmao, the augmentative string a55ɲie53 can be prefixed to animal nouns, thereby indicating the female gender of animals (though not used for people). Furthermore, it may be prefixed to inanimate nouns in order to infer a sense of largeness, either physically or metaphorically. The diminutive prefix ŋa11 combines with the same range of nouns as a55ɲie53 and denotes the young animal of adult-young animal pairs. Moreover, with inanimate nouns, it refers to a diminutive version of the noun. Both prefixes have been contrasted in the following chart.
Noun |
Augmentative prefix a55ɲie53 |
Diminutive prefix ŋa11 |
---|---|---|
ȵɦu35 ‘ox, bull’ |
a55ɲie53ȵɦu35 ‘cow’ |
ŋa11ȵɦu35 ‘calf’ |
nɦɯ11 ‘horse, stallion’ |
a55ɲie53nɦɯ11 ‘mare’ |
ŋa11nɦɯ11 ‘colt, foal’ |
ʑɦaɯ35 ‘sheep, ram’ |
a55ɲie53ʑɦaɯ35 ‘ewe’ |
ŋa11ʑɦaɯ35 ‘lamb’ |
mpa44 ‘pig, hog, boar’ |
a55ɲie53mpa44 ‘sow’ |
ŋa11mpa44 ‘piglet’ |
tli55 ‘dog’ |
a55ɲie53tli55 ‘bitch’ |
ŋa11tli55 ‘puppy’ |
a55tʂhɥ11 ‘cat, tomcat’ |
a55ɲie53a55tʂhɥ11 ‘queen’ |
ŋa11a55tʂhɥ11 ‘kitten’ |
qai55 ‘chicken, cock’ |
a55ɲie53qai55 ‘hen’ |
ŋa11qai55 ‘chick’ |
o11 ‘duck, drake’ |
a55ɲie53o11 ‘(female) duck’ |
ŋa11o11 ‘duckling’ |
ŋɦu11 ‘goose, gander’ |
a55ɲie53ŋɦu11 ‘(female) goose’ |
ŋa11ŋɦu11 ‘gosling’ |
tlai11 ‘bear, boar’ |
a55ɲie53tlai11 ‘she-bear, sow’ |
ŋa11tlai11 ‘small bear, cub’ |
fɯ44 ‘wolf, dog’ |
a55ɲie53fɯ44 ‘she-wolf, bitch’ |
ŋa11fɯ44 ‘wolf puppy’ |
nau31 ‘bird, cock’ |
a55ɲie53nau31 ‘female bird, hen’ |
ŋa11nau31 ‘bird poult, chick’ |
li44fau44 ‘head’ |
a55ɲie53li44fau44 ‘big leader’ |
ŋa11li44fau44 ‘sub-leader’ |
tey44 ‘foot’ |
a55ɲie53tey44 ‘big toe’ |
ŋa11tey44 ‘little toe’ |
dɦi11 ‘hand’ |
a55ɲie53dɦi11 ‘thumb’ |
ŋa11dɦi11 ‘pinkie, little finger’ |
ŋgɦa35 ‘house’ |
a55ɲie53ŋgɦa35 ‘big house’ |
ŋa11ŋgɦa35 ‘cottage, small house’ |
a11dɦɯ11 ‘wall’ |
a55ɲie53a11dɦɯ11 ‘broad wall’ |
ŋa11a11dɦɯ11 ‘small wall’ |
tɕa44 ‘wind’ |
a55ɲie53tɕa44 ‘storm’ |
ŋa11tɕa44 ‘breeze of wind’ |
naɯ53 ‘rain’ |
a55ɲie53naɯ53 ‘heavy rain’ |
ŋa11naɯ53 ‘drizzle’ |
ʈau55 ‘mountain’ |
a55ɲie53ʈau55 ‘big mountain’ |
ŋa11ʈau55 ‘hill’ |
dlɦi35 ‘river’ |
a55ɲie53dlɦi35 ‘big river’ |
ŋa11dlɦi35 ‘brook’ |
tɕi55 ‘road’ |
a55ɲie53tɕi55 ‘esplanade’ |
ŋa11tɕi55 ‘alley’ |
au55 ‘water’ |
a55ɲie53au55 ‘big stream’ |
ŋa11au55 ‘runnel’ |
dʑɦi11 ‘street’ |
a55ɲie53dʑɦi11 ‘big street market’ |
ŋa11dʑɦi11 ‘small market’ |
zɦo11 ‘village’ |
a55ɲie53zɦo11 ‘big village’ |
ŋa11zɦo11 ‘small village’ |
Table 20: The scope of the two Ahmao prefixes
In Ahmao noun phrases, a process of metanalysisFor this notion see Campbell (1998: 103) or Trask (1996: 103).
Campbell, L., 1998 Historical linguistics: An introduction to its principles and procedures. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Trask, R. L., 1996, Historical Linguistics. London: Edward Arnolds Publishers. regrouped the size prefixes with the classifiers. Instead of viewing the size morphemes as prefixes of the noun, native speakers regarded them as suffixes of the classifier. This shift is illustrated in (3) and (4).
(3) |
a. |
tu44 |
a55 ɲie53- |
tli55 |
|
|
b. |
tu44 |
-a55 ɲie53 |
tli55 |
|
|
|
CL |
AUG |
dog |
|
|
|
|
CL |
AUG |
dog |
‘the bitch’ | ‘the bitch’ |
(4) |
a. |
tu44 |
ŋa11- |
tli55 |
|
|
b. |
tu44 |
-ŋa11 |
tli55 |
|
|
|
CL |
DIM |
dog |
|
|
|
|
CL |
DIM |
dog |
‘the puppy’ | ‘the puppy’ |
The re-analyzed prefixed quickly merged with the classifiers by undergoing a process ofFor the notions of aphaeresis, syncope and apocope, see Campbell (1998: 31) or Trask (1996: 68).
Campbell, L., 1998 Historical linguistics: An introduction to its principles and procedures. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Trask, R. L., 1996, Historical Linguistics. London: Edward Arnolds Publishers. aphaeresis (loss of an initial segment), syncope (loss of a medial segment), as well as apocope (loss of a final segment). To illustrate, the animate classifier tu44 developed secondary forms tai44 and ta44.
Kind of Prefix |
Phase 1 |
Sound Change |
Phase 2 |
Sound Change |
Phase 3 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Augmentative: |
C*V* + a55 ɲie53 |
|
C*V* + ai |
|
C*ai |
Diminutive: |
C*V* + ŋa11 |
|
C*V* + a |
|
C*a |
Table 21: Merger of the size prefixes
The [ai]-versions of the classifiers that categorize animal nouns prefixed by a55ɲie53 were reinterpreted as female gender classifiers. The [ai]-forms of classifiers categorizing inanimate nouns were re-analyzed as augmentative size classifiers. Somewhat similarly, the [a]-forms which were reinterpreted as ‘offspring’ classifiers when categorizing animal nouns prefixed by ŋa11. The merged classifiers acquired additional pragmatic senses. The [ai]- and [a]-forms initially encoded the gender/age of noun referents, but subsequently shifted them to marking the gender/age of the speaker. The [ai]-classifiers index female speakers and [a]-classifiers child speakers.
(2) Definite/indefinite split. Numeral constructions in which indefinite classifiers are adjacent to numerals are the initial environment for the definite/indefinite drift. The definite/indefinite split surfaced through morphological reanalysis of the glottal suffix [ʔ] in the numeral *iʔ ‘one.’ Within this process, the glottal stop [ʔ] was viewed as part of the following classifier with which it underwent sound changes.
The high tone of the numeral one imposes a sandhi tone on the classifier either [33] or [31] in most casesSee Wang Fushi (1957), Wang Fushi and Wang Deguang (1986) and especially Gerner and Bisang (2010).
Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世, 1957, The classifier in the Wēiníng dialect of the Miao language 贵州威宁苗语量词. Yǔyán Yánjiū 语言研究, 75-121.
Wáng Déguāng 王德光 (1987). Additional remarks on the classifiers of the Miao language in Wēiníng county. 贵州威宁苗语量词拾遗. Mínzú Yǔwén 民族语文 5: 36-39.
Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2010, Classifier declinations in an isolating language: On a rarity in Wēiníng Ahmao. Language and Linguistics 11(3): 576-623. Taibei: Academia Sinica.. For some of the ca. 50 classifiers, the sound changes ceased at this point. The sandhi tone classifiers were reinterpreted as indefinite classifiers. The sound changes went further for other classifiers. In AhmaoSee Johnson, M., 1999, Tone and phonation in Western A-Hmao. SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics 9: 227-251. and Green HmongSee Andruski, J. and M. Ratliff, 2000, Phonation types in production of phonological tone: The case of Green Mong. Journal of International Phonetic Association 30.37-61., sandhi tone and phonation type have a close relationship (which is also attested in the Ahmao data). In numeral-classifier compounds, *i ‘one’ not only imposed sandhi tones on the classifier, but also transferred its phonation type to the classifier. Classifiers with voiceless initial consonant had its phonation switch to voicing, and classifiers with voiced initial consonant changed its phonation to breathy voicing. These three types of changes (sandhi tone, voicing, and breathy voicing) represent all the changes that have been observed in Ahmao classifiers. Classifiers were reinterpreted as indefinite articles in the contexts within which they underwent these sound changes. They were understood as definite classifiers in the other contexts.
(5) |
a. |
* |
i |
la53 |
ʈau55 |
|
b. |
i55 |
la35 |
ʈau55 |
(tone sandhi) |
|
|
|
|
NUM.1 |
CL.DIM |
hill |
|
|
|
NUM.1 |
CL.DIM |
hill |
|
‘one hill’ | ‘one hill’ |
(6) |
a. |
* |
i |
tai44 |
ɲɦu35 |
|
|
b. |
i55 |
dai213 |
ɲɦu35 |
(voicing) |
|
|
|
NUM.1 |
CL.MED |
ox |
|
|
|
NUM.1 |
CL.MED |
ox |
|
‘one ox’ | ‘one ox’ |
(7) |
a. |
* |
i |
dla53 |
ndlɦaɯ35 |
|
|
b. |
i55 |
dlɦa53 |
ndlɦaɯ35 |
(breathy voicing) |
|
|
|
NUM.1 |
CL.AUG |
picture |
|
|
|
NUM.1 |
CL.AUG |
picture |
|
‘one picture’ | ‘one picture’ |
In HmuData in this section are quoted by Gerner, M., 2017, Specific classifiers versus unspecific bare nouns. Lingua 188: 19-31., a Central Miao language spoken around Kǎilǐ city in Guìzhōu province, the use of bare classifiers (classifiers and nouns) contrasts with the use of bare nouns. Bare classifiers (BCL) encode specific reference, while bare common nouns (BN) express unspecific reference. In the discourse context, we understand specific versus unspecific reference as the properties of picking out one versus not-one referents.
(A) Introduction
In East Asian languages, classifiers do not have independent grammatical functions but contribute to marking the functions of counting (with numerals), quantification (with quantifiers), or deixis (with demonstratives). The languages generally contain one plural and mass classifier, whereas all other classifiers count the singular number of the noun that they modify. When bare classifiers are available, they usually encode indefinite reference, definite reference, or both, contingent upon the syntactic position in which they are used. Similarly, bare nouns feature definite, indefinite or generic reference depending on the slot in which they occur. Examples (8)-(9) illustrate the range of functions that bare classifiers and bare nouns are able to express. Bare classifiers have been exemplified in (8), bare nouns in (9). Ambiguous interpretations can be clarified by way of contextual information.
|
|
KamKam is a Tai-Kadai language spoken by about one million people in China. Example (8a) is sourced from the fieldwork of Matthias Gerner. (indefinite BCL) |
|
|
AhmaoAhmao is a Miao-Yao language used by 350,000 speakers in Wēiníng 威宁 county of Guìzhōu province in China. Example (8b) is quoted from Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2008, Inflectional Speaker-Role Classifiers in Wēiníng Ahmao. Journal of Pragmatics 40(4), 719-732. (definite BCL) |
||||||
(8) |
a. |
yaoc |
semh |
mungx |
nyenc. |
|
b. |
ɳɖau31ʂə55naɯ55 |
dzɦo35 |
tu44 |
mpa33zau55. |
|
|
1.SG |
look for |
BCL |
person |
|
|
Daushenau |
follow |
BCL |
wild boar |
‘I am looking for someone.’ (Specific/unspecific) | ‘Daushenau followed the wild boar.’ |
|
|
Chinese (indefinite/definite/generic BN) |
|||||||||
(9) |
a. |
tā |
hē |
jiŭ. |
|
b. |
tā |
bă |
jiŭ |
màn-màn- de |
hē diao. |
|
|
3P.SG |
drink |
BN:wine |
|
|
3P.SG |
COV |
BN:wine |
slowly-ADVL |
drink |
‘He drinks wine.’ (Indefinite and generic) | ‘He drinks [his] wine slowly.’ (Definite) |
Dedicated markers of un/specificity are cross-linguistically rare. More common are forms encoding the notion of (un)specificity in conjunction with other grammatical concepts. TurkishSee Enç, M., 1991, The Semantics of Specificity. Linguistic Inquiry 22: 1-25., for example, exhibits differential object marking triggered by specific noun phrases. HindiSee Mohanan, T., 1994, Arguments in Hindi. CSLI Publication, especially p. 104. uses two object markers, one of them on animate and specific noun phrases. The Turkish and Hindi markers of specificity are case markers in the first place, and not determiners. Hmu, by contrast, employs primary markers of specificity and the lack thereof. Hmu is typologically rare, even among the Miao-Yao languages, in encoding specific versus unspecific reference by employing a minimal pair of forms. Bare classifiers mark specific reference, while bare nouns unspecific reference. Example (10a) illustrates the bare classifier. The speaker is confined in a room and hears the barking of exactly one dog outside the house. He cannot see the dog and may or may not be familiar with it. The setting of (10b) is the same as in (10a) barring the number of dogs. The use of the bare noun entails the presence of at least two barking dogs.
Hmu |
|||||||||
(10) |
a. |
dail |
dlad |
jub |
naix |
wat. |
|||
|
|
BCL |
dog |
bark at |
people |
very |
|||
‘A/the dog is barking.’ (Specific meaning) |
|
b. |
dlad |
jub |
naix |
wat. |
|
|
|
BN:dog |
bark at |
people |
very |
|
‘Dogs are barking.’ (Unspecific meaning) |
In the following subsections, we illustrate that Hmu bare classifiers and bare nouns have specific and unspecific reference, respectively and that bare nouns may further exhibit generic, universal and distributive reference, depending on the syntactic construction and discourse context. A noun phrase has generic reference if and only if (iff) almost all elements in its discourse extension have the noun phrase property. A noun phrase has universal reference iff all elements in its discourse extension have the noun phrase property. A noun phrase in the scope of an intensional predicate has distributive reference iff its discourse extension is the Cartesian product of the sets of referents indexed by suitable possible worlds.
(B) Unique Entities
Entities with unique existence do have specific reference not only in a discourse, but also in the physical world at large. Any form that imposes an unspecific interpretation on that entity results in an ungrammatical expression. In (11a), the unspecific reading for the bare noun ghab dab ‘Earth’ is ungrammatical in Hmu. The classifier laib must be used to indicate specific reference, as in (11b).
(11) |
a. |
* |
sangs lul |
id |
ax |
maix |
dail xid |
hsent |
hot |
ghab dab |
dios |
dlenx |
hul. |
|
|
|
ancient time |
DEM.FAM |
NEG |
have |
who |
believe |
say |
earth |
COP |
round |
EXCL |
Intended meaning: ‘In ancient times, nobody believed that Earths are round.’ |
|
b. |
sangs lul |
id |
ax |
maix |
dail xid |
hsent |
hot |
laib |
ghab dab |
dios |
dlenx |
hul. |
|
|
ancient time |
DEM |
NEG |
have |
who |
believe |
say |
BCL |
earth |
COP |
round |
EXCL |
‘In ancient times, nobody believed that the Earth is round.’ |
The interpretation of a singleton extension is semantically encoded in the classifier and the sense of a non-singleton extension is part of the bare noun. The meaning of non-singleton extension cannot be cancelled, as shown in (11). Furthermore, bare nouns cannot be employed when the context imposes a singleton interpretation. If it is known that only one wedding took place, as seen in (12), it can be inferred that we must use the classifier. The omission of the classifier entails the presence of at least two weddings.
(12) |
a. |
* |
maix |
dangx-ngix-jud-yangl-niangb |
niangb |
Ghab Det Dlenx. |
|
|
|
have |
table-meat-wine-lead-wife |
at |
Gadedlen (village) |
Intended meaning: ‘There is a wedding in Gadedlen.’ |
|
b. |
maix |
laib |
dangx-ngix-jud-yangl-niangb |
niangb |
Ghab Det Dlenx. |
|
|
have |
BCL |
table-meat-wine-lead-wife |
at |
Gadedlen (village) |
‘There is the wedding in Gadedlen.’ |
(C) Possessives
Possessives or partitives denote the association of entities with another entity. Classifiers are required for singleton possessees, as seen in (13)-(14), and possessees that exist in pairs, as evidenced in (15). Meanwhile bare nouns are ungrammatical in both cases.
(13) |
a. |
* |
ghet |
ghab niangx |
|
b. |
ghet |
laib |
ghab niangx |
|
|
|
grandfather |
age |
|
|
grandfather |
CL |
age |
‘Grandfather’s age’ | ‘Grandfather’s age’ |
(14) |
a. |
* |
bib |
jid |
|
b. |
bib |
jox |
jid |
|
|
|
|
1.PL |
body |
|
|
1.PL |
CL |
body |
|
‘some of our bodies’ | ‘our body’ |
(15) |
a. |
* |
wil |
hniongs mais |
|
b. |
wil |
jil |
hniongs mais |
|
|
|
|
1.SG |
eye |
|
|
1.SG |
CL |
eye |
|
‘some of my eyes’ | ‘my eye’ |
Unique kinship relations are always specific and necessitate classifiers, whereas alienable human relationships have unique or anti-unique interpretations depending on the use of classifiers or bare nouns.
(16) |
a. |
* |
wil |
bad |
|
b. |
wil |
zaid |
bad |
|
|
|
1P SG |
father |
|
|
1P SG |
CL |
father |
‘*fathers of mine’ (Anti-unique) | ‘my father’ (Unique) |
(17) |
a. |
wil |
ghab bul |
|
b. |
wil |
dail |
ghab bul |
|
|
1P SG |
friend |
|
|
1P SG |
CL |
friend |
‘some friends of mine’ (Anti-unique) | ‘my friend’ (Unique) |
The set of entities associated with something can be singleton (‘the age of a student’), dual (‘a leg of a student’), paucal (‘a corner of an intersection’), or multiple (‘a student of Oxford University’). Barker (2004)See Barker, C., 2004, Possessive Weak Definites. In J. Kim, Y. Lander, B. Partee, eds., Possessives and beyond: Semantics and Syntax, 89-113, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. coined the term ‘weak definites’ for paucal sets of associated things. When used with the English definite article the, weak definites indicate unique existence, not because the speaker is familiar with the referent, but because unique identification is guaranteed due to the small number of associated things. For the weak definite in (18a), the speaker does not have any particular corner in mind but promises easy identification; for the ordinary definite in (18b), he has one particular in mindExamples (18a) and (18b) are quoted from pp.89-90 of Barker, C., 2004, Possessive Weak Definites, in: J. Kim, Y. Lander, B. Partee, eds., Possessives and beyond: Semantics and Syntax, 89-113, University of Massachusetts at Amherst..
(18) |
a. |
I hope the cafe is located on the corner of a busy intersection. |
|
b. |
I hope the cafe is located on the corner near a busy intersection. |
For small sets of possessees such as the fingers on a hand, classifiers convey the idea of unique existence, but do not necessarily permit identification of the referent as the doesExample (20) is quoted from p.96 of Barker, C., 2004, Possessive Weak Definites, in: J. Kim, Y. Lander, B. Partee, eds., Possessives and beyond: Semantics and Syntax, 89-113, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. with weak definites. Whilst both nouns grammatical, they have anti-unique reference, as shown in (19a).
(19) |
a. |
nenx |
ghab dad bil |
|
b. |
nenx |
jil |
ghab dad bil |
|
|
3P.SG |
finger |
|
|
3P.SG |
CL |
finger |
‘some of his fingers’ (Anti-unique) | ‘his finger’ (Unique but not identifiable) |
(20) |
|
The baby’s fully-developed hand wrapped itself around the finger of the surgeon. |
(D) Simple clauses
In the case of simple clauses, the classifier always encodes unique existence of the referent, as shown in (21a). Bare nouns have anti-unique reference and, might implicate generic, distributive but never universal interpretations, depending on their syntactic position. In intransitive clauses, bare nouns do not have distributive reference, since they are beyond the scope of a quantifier. If (21b) is uttered as a general statement, the bare noun implicates a generic interpretation for dogs.
(21) |
a. |
dail |
dlad |
bit |
niangb |
gid gux… |
jub |
naix |
wat. |
|
|
CL |
dog |
lie |
at |
outside |
bark at |
people |
very |
‘A/the dog is lying outdoors…and is barking.’ (Unique) |
|
b. |
dlad |
bit |
niangb |
gid gux… |
jub |
naix |
wat. |
|
|
|
dog |
lie |
at |
outside |
bark at |
people |
very |
|
i. ‘Dogs are lying outdoors… and are barking.’ (Anti-unique) ii. ‘Dogs lie outdoors… and bark.’ (Generic: True even if one dog lies indoors) |
In transitive clauses, object NPs are within the scope of subject NPs implicating a distributive besides an anti-unique interpretation. In (22a), the classifier has specific reference. The bare noun in (22b) has anti-unique reference and implicates distributive reference.
(22) |
a. |
Dol |
jib daib |
vangs |
dail |
xangs dud. |
|
|
CL |
child |
look for |
CL |
teacher |
‘The children look for a certain teacher.’ (Unique) |
|
b. |
Dol |
jib daib |
vangs |
xangs dud. |
|
|
CL |
child |
look for |
teacher |
i. ‘The children look for (at least two) teachers.’ (Anti-unique) ii. ‘The children look each for a (different) teacher.’ (Distributive) |
Bare mass nouns have an anti-unique reference. Mass terms talk about masses as though they are divisibleSee Bunt (1985: 45; 1979: 255).
Bunt, H., 1979, Ensembles and the formal semantic properties of mass terms, in: F. Pelletier, ed., Mass terms: Some philosophical problems, 279-294, Dordrecht: Reidel.
Bunt, H., 1985, Mass terms and model-theoretic semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.: “any part of something that is water is water”. Since bare mass nouns are divisible, they have anti-unique and as a result, unspecific reference. For example, any amount of wine that someone drinks can be divided into parts for which the sentence (23a) can be truthfully uttered. The mass classifier in (23b), on the other hand, denotes a contextually unique, and thus specific, amount of wine.
(23) |
a. |
nenx |
hek |
jud. |
|
|
3.SG |
drink |
wine |
‘He is drinking wine.’ (Anti-unique) |
|
b. |
nenx |
hek |
dol |
jud. |
|
|
3.SG |
drink |
CL |
wine |
‘He is drinking the (or a certain amount of) wine.’ (Unique) |
(E) Negation
For native Hmu speakers, it is the classifier that has always scope over the negator, not the other way round. Example (24) illustrates classifiers in subject and (25) in object position.
(24) |
|
dail |
ghet lul |
ax |
yangl |
bib |
mongl. |
|
|
|
CL |
old man |
NEG |
lead way |
1.PL |
go |
|
i. ‘The old man did not lead us the way.’ (∃!¬) ii. *‘It is not the case that there is one old man who leads us the way.’ (¬∃!) |
(25) |
|
nenx |
ax |
bangd |
dail |
lid vud |
diot |
bib. |
|
|
3.SG |
NEG |
shoot |
CL |
sheep |
COV:to |
1.PL |
i. ‘He didn’t shoot the sheep for us.’ (∃!¬) ii. *‘It is not the case that there is one sheep that he shot for us.’ (¬∃!) |
In the scope of the negator, Hmu bare nouns have anti-unique reference and can implicate generic but not universal reference. Bare nouns are illustrated in subject (26) and in object position (27).
(26) |
|
jib daib |
ax |
hek |
dol |
yenb. |
|
|
child |
NEG |
smoke |
CL |
tobacco |
i. ‘(At least two) children are not smoking.’ (Anti-unique) ii. ‘Children don’t smoke.’ (Generic: True even if there is one child who smokes.) |
(27) |
|
wil |
ax |
heib |
hab. |
|
|
1.SG |
NEG |
weave |
strawshoe |
i. ‘I have not weaved strawshoes.’ (Anti-unique) ii. ‘I do not weave strawshoes.’ (Generic: True, even if I’ve weaved one strawshoe.) |
(F) Matrix clauses
In Hmu, bare classifiers that can be found in complement clauses trigger de re construalsA de re construal of a noun phrase in the scope of an intensional predicate is a referent that exists outside the particular context of the predicate. A de re construal can be represented by the formula Ǝ!y □ φ(y) where □ represents the intensional predicate. of their sense of unique existence, whereas bare nouns only allow de dicto construalsA de dicto construal of a noun phrase in the scope of an intensional predicate is a referent that exists only inside the particular context of the predicate. A de dicto construal can be represented by the formula □ Ǝy φ(y) where □ represents the intensional predicate.. Their referents are potentially distributed over different possible worlds. Bare nouns are markers of the unspecific distributive type. (28a) reports a de dicto belief about the speaker’s potential purchase of jade stones. The bare noun jade stone is distributive with referents in different belief-worlds. If the speaker never bought jade stones, the presence of jade stone would be curtailed to these belief worlds.
(28) |
a. |
nenx |
hsent |
hot |
wil |
|
dot |
vib eb gad |
lol. |
|
|
3P.SG |
believe |
say |
1P.SG |
buy |
get |
jade stone |
come |
‘He believes that I buy jade stones.’ (Distributive) |
The usage of the bare classifier laib allows a de re construal even if the speaker is unaware of the identity of that stone and had never bought any jade stone. In this case the jade stone has a unique existence, but the belief is false.
|
b. |
nenx |
hsent |
hot |
wil |
|
dot |
laib |
vib eb gad |
lol. |
|
|
3P.SG |
believe |
say |
1P.SG |
buy |
get |
CL |
jade stone |
come |
‘He believes that I bought the/a certain jade stone.’ (Unique) |
(29a) is said to the unique child and daughter of a couple. Since no boy was born, the bare noun (bold font) has only referents in different wish-worlds, as opposed to the world of the utterance. Its referents are distributed over wish-worlds within which the would-be boys are different personalities. Thus, the bare noun has distributive reference.
(29) |
a. |
mongx |
zaid |
bad |
jeb hvib |
hot |
mongx |
zaid |
mais |
yis |
daib dial. |
|
|
2P.SG |
CL |
father |
hope |
say |
2P.SG |
CL |
mother |
give birth to |
son |
‘Your father hoped that your mother would give birth to a boy.’ (Distributive) |
Suppose that (29b), the counterpart of (29a), is addressed to the unique brother of three sisters. Since the product of a creational process is specific only at the end of the process, this utterance is felicitously used only if the addressee signifies the de re construal of the classifier noun. It is as though the speaker attributes a prescient wish to the father. Yet, this construal is metalinguistic and unavailable to the father at the time he expressed the wish. Importantly, any de re construal in the world in which the father expressed the wish is deemed infelicitous.
|
b. |
mongx |
zaid |
bad |
jeb hvib |
hot |
mongx |
zaid |
mais |
yis |
dail |
daib dial. |
|
|
2P.SG |
CL |
father |
hope |
say |
2P.SG |
CL |
mother |
give birth to |
CL |
son |
‘Your father hoped that your mother would give birth to a certain boy (= you).’ (Unique) |
In this section, we document the most important classifiers in four representative languages of the Miao group. The classifiers are cognate for the most part, but do differ in the range of classified nouns.
Classifiers | HmongThe classifier data in Hmong, a Western Miao language spoken in Hékǒu 河口 county, were collected by Matthias Gerner in 2007. |
AhmaoThe Ahmao data (Wēiníng 威宁 county) were recorded in discussions between Wáng Déguāng and Matthias Gerner in 2005 and published in Gerner and Bisang (2008, 2009, 2010): Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2008, Inflectional Speaker-Role Classifiers in Wēiníng Ahmao. Journal of Pragmatics 40(4), 719-732. Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2009, Inflectional classifiers in Wēiníng Ahmao: Mirror of the history of a people. Folia Linguistica Historica 30(1/2), 183-218. Societas Linguistica Europaea. Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2010, Classifier declinations in an isolating language: On a rarity in Wēiníng Ahmao. Language and Linguistics 11(3), 576-623. Taibei: Academia Sinica. |
HmuThe Central Miao language Hmu has about 1,400,000 speakers in Southeast Guìzhōu 贵州. The data in this section were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2003-2007 and published in: Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2010, Classifier declinations in an isolating language: On a rarity in Wēiníng Ahmao. Language and Linguistics 11(3), 576-623. Taibei: Academia Sinica. |
Xong Xong is an Eastern Miao language spoken by 900,000 people in Húnán province. The data originate from Huāyuán 花垣 county were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2007 and published in: Gerner, M. and W. Bisang, 2010, Classifier declinations in an isolating language: On a rarity in Wēiníng Ahmao. Language and Linguistics 11(3), 576-623. Taibei: Academia Sinica. |
||
|
|
|
Definite | Indefinite |
|
|
Animate |
|
Augmentative |
tu44 |
du31 |
|
|
(also for tools) |
to21 |
Medial |
tai44 |
dai213 |
tɛ11 |
(ʈu42)The form ʈu42 is restricted to a few inanimate instruments (e.g. ‘plough’), whereas the general animate classifier is ŋoŋ22. In addition, there is a prefix ta33 attached to most animal nouns only dropped in numeral constructions. This prefix is a former classifier that has been lexicalized and replaced by the classifier ŋoŋ22. |
|
|
Diminuative |
ta44 |
da35 |
|
|
Animate |
|
Augmentative |
--- |
--- |
|
|
|
--- |
Medial |
--- |
--- |
--- |
ŋoŋ22 |
|
|
Diminuative |
--- |
--- |
|
|
Human |
|
Augmentative |
lɯ55 |
lɯ44 |
|
|
|
lən42 |
Medial |
lai55 |
lai213 |
lɛ55 |
le35 |
|
|
Diminuative |
la53 |
la35 |
|
|
Male |
|
Augmentative |
tsɨ55Wēiníng Ahmao involves the classifier tsɨ55 solely for ‘man’, which is only declined in singular-definite forms and switches to lɯ44 for all other forms. |
(lɯ44) |
|
|
|
--- |
Medial |
tsai55 |
(lai213) |
--- |
--- |
|
|
Diminuative |
tsa53 |
(la35) |
|
|
Natural Pairs |
|
Augmentative |
tshai11 |
tshai11 |
|
|
(body parts, clothing) |
tshai33 |
Medial |
tshai11 |
tshai213 |
--- |
dʑɦa44 |
|
|
Diminuative |
tsha11 |
tshai35 |
|
|
Natural Pairs |
|
Augmentative |
dʑi53In Ahmao, two classifiers for natural pairs exist to exhibit two different origins. The Ahmao classifier dʑi53 is in retreat with a few classifieds left. |
dʑi31 |
|
|
(body parts, clothing) |
--- |
Medial |
dʑai53 |
dʑai213 |
tɕi11 |
--- |
|
|
Diminuative |
dʑa53 |
dʑa35 |
|
|
Plants |
|
Augmentative |
faɯ55 |
faɯ44 |
|
|
|
--- |
Medial |
fai55 |
fai213 |
fhu35 |
--- |
|
|
Diminuative |
fa53 |
fa35 |
|
|
Plants |
|
Augmentative |
--- |
--- |
|
|
|
tʂau43 |
Medial |
--- |
--- |
--- |
tʂou35 |
|
|
Diminuative |
--- |
--- |
|
|
Plants |
|
Augmentative |
--- |
--- |
|
|
|
--- |
Medial |
--- |
--- |
kəu35 |
ko44 |
|
|
Diminuative |
--- |
--- |
|
|
FlowersThe classifier tou55 / ʈə55 is attested in Hmong (Hékǒu) and Ahmao (Wēiníng) and is borrowed from the Chinese classifiers duŏ 朵 for clouds and flowers, implying that this classifier was borrowed early in Proto-Miao. |
|
Augmentative |
ʈə55 |
ʈə44 |
|
|
|
tou55 |
Medial |
ʈəai55 |
ʈəai213 |
--- |
ʈɯ44 |
|
|
Diminuative |
ʈəa53 |
ʈəa35 |
|
|
Lengthy Objects |
|
Augmentative |
tso11 |
tso31 |
|
|
(grass, hair) |
tso31 |
Medial |
tsui44 |
tsui53 |
--- |
--- |
|
|
Diminuative |
tsua44 |
tsua35 |
|
|
Lengthy Objects |
|
Augmentative |
dʑa53 |
dʑɦa11 |
|
|
(river, road) |
--- |
Medial |
dʑai53 |
dʑɦa213 |
tɕo55 |
--- |
|
|
Diminuative |
dʑa53 |
dʑɦa35 |
|
|
Inanimate |
|
Augmentative |
lu55 |
lu33 |
|
|
(general classifier) |
lo43 |
Medial |
lai55 |
lai213 |
lɛ33 |
le35 |
|
|
Diminuative |
la53 |
la35 |
|
|
Metals |
|
Augmentative |
thau11 |
thau11 |
|
|
(‘lump’) |
tho31 |
Medial |
thai11 |
thai213 |
tho13 |
dloŋ35 |
|
|
Diminuative |
tha11 |
tha35 |
|
|
Tools |
|
Augmentative |
--- |
--- |
|
|
(with a handle) |
ʈaŋ43 |
Medial |
--- |
--- |
tiaŋ33 |
ʈən35 |
|
|
Diminuative |
--- |
--- |
|
|
Solid MassesThe classifier for solid masses conveys two meanings: ‘pound’ (500 gram), and ‘lump’. Both meanings are attested in Ahmao, whereas in Hmong and Xong only the second meaning is available. In Hmu, the cognate classifier ki35 has acquired the meaning ‘kind of’. |
|
Augmentative |
ki44 |
ki11 |
|
|
(‘pound’) |
ki44 |
Medial |
kiai11 |
kiai13 |
(ki35)The cognate classifier in Hmu, ki35, has a different meaning (‘kind of’) and categorizes a broad range of nouns. |
tɕi42 |
|
|
Diminuative |
kia11 |
kia35 |
|
|
VersatileThis classifier means ‘piece’ and categorizes a wide range of objects, such as solid materials, land, documents, etc. |
|
Augmentative |
dla53 |
dlɦa11 |
|
|
(‘piece’) |
tɬai24 |
Medial |
dlai55 |
dlai213 |
ɬei31 |
lei42 |
|
|
Diminuative |
dla53 |
dla35 |
|
|
LandscapeThis classifier for landscape means ‘piece’, ‘plot’ or ‘row’ and categorizes flat land, mountain chains and crops (with the connotation of ‘a plot of crops’). |
|
Augmentative |
tlau55 |
tlau44 |
|
|
(‘piece’, ‘plot’, ‘row’) |
plaŋ13 |
Medial |
tlai55 |
tlai213 |
tɕaŋ35 |
(tɕaŋ35)The Xong classifier tɕaŋ35 has shifted to categorize solid materials and to imply ‘lump’, ‘chunk’, rather than to become classifier for landscape. |
|
|
Diminuative |
tla55 |
tla35 |
|
|
Landscape |
|
Augmentative |
ʂey55 |
ʂey44 |
|
|
(‘side’, ‘edge’) |
ʂaŋ13 |
Medial |
ʂyai55 |
ʂyai213 |
(saŋ55)In Kǎilǐ Hmu, the classifier saŋ55 is cognate to the other forms, but has shifted its meaning to ‘layer’, ‘stratum’. |
--- |
|
|
Diminuative |
ʂya53 |
ʂya35 |
|
|
Places |
|
Augmentative |
qho55 |
qho44 |
|
|
|
qhau55 |
Medial |
qhai55 |
qhai213 |
(qha44)In Hmu, there is a cognate nominal form qha44, but it cannot occur in classifier constructions. | (qho35)In Xong, the cognate form qho35 is a noun prefix attached to a wide range of nouns; it may not be involved in classifier constructions. |
|
|
Diminuative |
qha55 |
qha35 |
|
|
Clothes & Cloth |
|
Augmentative |
pho55 |
pho11 |
|
|
|
phau43 |
Medial |
phai55 |
phai213 |
phaŋ33 |
phaŋ35 |
|
|
Diminuative |
pha35 |
pha35 |
|
|
Plural & Masses |
|
Augmentative |
ti55 |
di31 |
|
|
|
tɛ31 |
Medial |
tiai55 |
diai213 |
to11 |
--- |
|
|
Diminuative |
tia55 |
dia55 |
|
|
Collections |
|
Augmentative |
ntʂha11 |
ntʂha11 |
|
|
(‘bunch’) |
tsha44 |
Medial |
ntʂhai11 |
ntʂhai213 |
--- |
ndʑha54 |
|
|
Diminuative |
ntʂha11 |
ntʂha35 |
|
|
Collections |
|
Augmentative |
bey53 |
bɦey11 |
|
|
(‘heap’, ‘row’) |
peu13 |
Medial |
bai53 |
bai213 |
pə44 |
plɯ55 |
|
|
Diminuative |
ba53 |
ba35 |
|
|
LiquidsThis classifier is an old loanword from the Chinese standard measure word shēng 升 ‘liter’. |
|
Augmentative |
ʂə55 |
ʂə44 |
|
|
(‘liter’) |
ʂən44 |
Medial |
ʂiai11 |
ʂiai213 |
ɕhən33 |
ɕhan44 |
|
|
Diminuative |
ʂia11 |
ʂia35 |
|
|
Table 22: Cognate Classifiers in the Miao Group
The Miao languages use relatively large sets of adnominal demonstratives comprising of five to nine elements. The hallmark of all Miao languages is the existence of recognitional demonstratives whose function is to activate inactive as well as private information shared between the speaker and the addressee. The Hmong language uses an unusual subset of three positional demonstratives in order to locate an object in front, back or opposite the speaker. The Ahmao language uses four altitude demonstratives which help identify an object at higher, equal, and lower altitude than the speaker.
Deictic Centre |
Distance |
Other Features |
Type I |
Type II |
Type III |
||
|
|
|
(‘agglutinative’) |
(‘fusional’) |
(‘isolating’) |
||
|
HmongThe Western Miao language Hmong is spoken by 500,000 people, mainly in Yúnnán province. The data presented in this section originate from Hékǒu 河口 county, were collected by Matthias Gerner and published in: Gerner, M., 2009, Deictic features of demonstratives: A typological survey with special reference to the Miao group. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 54(1), 43-90. |
AhmaoAhmao is a Western Miao language spoken by 350,000 people in Wēiníng 威宁 county of Western Guìzhōu. The data of this section were recorded by Matthias Gerner in 2005-2007 and published in: Gerner, M., 2009, Deictic features of demonstratives: A typological survey with special reference to the Miao group. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 54(1), 43-90. |
QanouQanou is a central Miao language spoken by perhaps 350,000 people in Sāndū 三都 county of Guìzhōu province. The language is closely related to Hmu. The data are field data of Matthias Gerner and published in: Gerner, M., 2009, Deictic features of demonstratives: A typological survey with special reference to the Miao group. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 54(1), 43-90. |
HmuThe Central Miao language Hmu has about 1,400,000 speakers in Southeast Guìzhōu 黔东南. The data in this section were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2003-2007 and published in: Gerner, M., 2009, Deictic features of demonstratives: A typological survey with special reference to the Miao group. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 54(1), 43-90. |
XongXong belongs to the Eastern Miao group and is spoken by ca. 50,000 people. The Xong dialect represented in this section is from Huāyuán 花垣 county in Húnán province. The data were published in: Gerner, M., 2009, Deictic features of demonstratives: A typological survey with special reference to the Miao group. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 54(1), 43-90. |
||
Speaker |
proximal |
--- |
na44 |
ȵi55 |
no22 |
noŋ35 |
nən44 |
Speaker |
medial |
--- |
nteu24 |
vɦai35 |
|
|
|
Speaker |
distal |
--- |
o44 |
|
|
|
|
Speaker |
distal ++ |
--- |
-phua33- |
|
|
|
|
Adressee |
proximal |
--- |
ka44 |
|
ni44 |
nən35 |
ka44 |
Speaker & Addressee |
proximal |
--- |
|
|
mo44 |
moŋ35 |
a44 |
Speaker & Adressee |
distal |
--- |
|
|
ie33 |
ɛ33 |
ei35 |
Speaker |
medial |
altitude: high |
|
bɦi35 |
|
|
|
Speaker |
medial |
altitude: equal |
|
tsai35 |
|
|
|
Speaker |
medial |
altitude: low |
|
ʈu35 |
|
|
|
Speaker |
distal |
altitude: equal |
|
tsau35 |
|
|
|
Speaker |
--- |
position: opposite |
ti24 |
dɦi35 |
|
|
|
Speaker |
--- |
position: front |
tau24 |
|
|
|
|
Speaker |
--- |
position: back |
tshai33 |
|
|
|
|
Speaker & Addressee |
--- |
recognition: familiar |
i44 |
i55 |
ie22 |
i35 |
ʑi35 |
Table 23: Demonstratives in five Miao languages
The Miao languages can be associated with three types, depending on the manner in which they encode deitic features: an agglutinative type, a fusional type, and an isolating type. These distinctions are drawn regardless of the general morphology type of the Miao languages, which is always isolating.
(A) ‘Agglutinative’ Type
Hmong exhibits several areally rare properties: its use of a distance intensifier and three exophoric positional demonstratives, as well as the possibility of compounding serial demonstratives. Because of this last property, we call its demonstratives agglutinative, although overall Hmong is an isolating language.
Hékǒu Hmong seems to exhibit more than three distance categories. Its system of ad/pronominal demonstratives differentiates three basic distance categories (proximal, medial, and distal), all of which depend on the speaker, and an unmarked category not encoded for distance nuances. Additionally, there is a bound morpheme (-phua33-A short description of -phua33- is also provided by Xióng and Cohen (2005: 63-64).
Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社.) that must be used in conjunction with unbound demonstrative morphemes listed in the subsequent chart. This morpheme functions as distance intensifier.
Type of Demonstrative |
Deictic Centre |
Distance |
Other Features |
Form |
|
Speaker |
proximal |
--- |
na44 |
Distance Demonstratives |
Speaker |
medial |
--- |
nteu24 |
|
Speaker |
distal |
--- |
o44 |
|
Speaker |
distal ++ |
--- |
-phua33- |
Person Demonstrative |
Addressee |
proximal |
--- |
ka44 |
|
Speaker |
--- |
position: opposite |
ti24 |
Positional Demonstratives |
Speaker |
--- |
position: front |
tau24 |
|
Speaker |
--- |
position: back |
tshai33 |
Recognitional Demonstrative |
Speaker & Addressee |
--- |
recognition: familiar |
i44 |
Table 24: ‘Agglutinative’ Demonstratives in Hékǒu Hmong
The demonstrative intensifier -phua33- increases the distance to the deictic center, so that Hmong distinguishes four distance categories. However, this understanding is rendered complicated by the fact that these distance categories can only be contrasted in more complex compounds, and not in minimal pairs. Thus, -phua33- cannot occur alone with the distance demonstratives, as seen in the (b) versions of (30)-(32), but should further include a positional demonstrative, as seen in (32b).
|
|
Distance: proximal (Hékǒu Hmong) |
||||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(30) |
a. |
to21 |
nən21 |
na55 |
|
|
b. |
* |
to21 |
nən21 |
phua33 |
na55 |
||||||
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.PROX |
|
|
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.INT |
DEM.S.PROX |
||||||
‘this horse’ (near to speaker) | ‘this horse’ (far away from the speaker) |
|
|
Distance: medial |
||||||||||||
(31) |
a. |
to21 |
nən21 |
nteu24 |
|
|
b. |
* |
to21 |
nən21 |
phua33 |
nteu24 |
||
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.MED |
|
|
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.INT |
DEM.S.MED |
||
‘that horse’ (medial distance to speaker) | ‘that horse’ (far away from speaker) |
|
|
Distance: distal |
||||||||||||
(32) |
a. |
to21 |
nən21 |
o44 |
|
|
b. |
* |
to21 |
nən21 |
phua33 |
o44 |
||
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.DIST |
|
|
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.INT |
DEM.S.DIST |
||
‘that horse’ (far away from speaker) | ‘that horse’ (far away from speaker) |
The demonstrative intensifier -phua33- may only be employed when one of the positional demonstratives in the above chart is inserted in the demonstrative complex (see 33b). In this instance, it builds up a contrast to the demonstrative compound without the intensifier (see 33a).
|
|
Contrast: distal vs. distal++ (Hékǒu Hmong) |
|||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(33) |
a. |
to21 |
nən21 |
tau24 |
o44 |
||
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.FRO |
DEM.S.DIST |
||
‘that horse’ (ahead of and far away from speaker) |
|
b. |
to21 |
nən21 |
phua33 |
tau24 |
o44 |
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.INT |
DEM.S.FRO |
DEM.S.DIST |
‘that horse’ (ahead of and even further away from speaker) |
Meanwhile the second areally rare feature is the presence of three exophoric positional demonstratives which locate an object in front, back, and opposite of the speaker.
|
|
Positional Demonstratives (Hékǒu Hmong) |
||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(34) |
a. |
to21 |
nən21 |
tau24 |
|
|
b. |
to21 |
nən21 |
tshai33 |
||||
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.FRO |
|
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.BACK |
||||
‘that horse’ (in front of speaker) | ‘that horse’ (behind speaker) |
|
c. |
to21 |
nən21 |
ti24 |
|
|
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.OPPOS |
|
|
‘that horse’ (opposite to speaker) |
The third special property of the Hékǒu Hmong system is its ability to form serial demonstratives that can be inserted in three slots. The first slot is reserved for the distance intensifier -phua33-, the second for positional demonstratives, and the third for distance demonstratives or recognitional demonstratives.
Classifier and Noun |
1st Slot: |
2nd Slot: |
3rd Slot: |
Restrictions |
(Intensifier) | (Positional) | (Distance, Person, Recognitional) | ||
to21 nən21 |
(*phua33) |
|
|
phua33 cannot be used |
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
ti24 |
|
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tau24 |
|
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tshai33 |
|
|
to21 nən21 |
(*phua33) |
|
na44 |
phua33 cannot be used |
to21 nən21 |
(*phua33) |
|
nteu24 |
phua33 cannot be used |
to21 nən21 |
(*phua33) |
|
o44 |
phua33 cannot be used |
to21 nən21 |
(*phua33) |
|
ka44 |
phua33 cannot be used |
to21 nən21 |
(*phua33) |
|
i44 |
phua33 cannot be used |
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
ti24 |
(*na44) |
na44 cannot be used |
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
ti24 |
nteu24 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
ti24 |
o44 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
ti24 |
ka44 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
ti24 |
i44 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tau24 |
(*na44) |
na44 cannot be used |
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tau24 |
nteu24 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tau24 |
o44 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tau24 |
ka44 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tau24 |
i44 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tshai33 |
(*na44) |
na44 cannot be used |
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tshai33 |
nteu24 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tshai33 |
o44 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tshai33 |
ka44 |
|
to21 nən21 |
(phua33) |
tshai33 |
i44 |
|
Table 25: Serial Demonstratives in Hékǒu Hmong
In addition, native speakers accept the following two serial demonstratives that do not fit into the aforementioned scheme.
(35) |
|
Additional Serial Demonstratives (Hékǒu Hmong) |
||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
a. |
to21 |
nən21 |
nteu24 |
ka44 |
|
b. |
|
to21 |
nən21 |
nteu24 |
i44 |
||
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.MED |
DEM.A.PROX |
|
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.MED |
DEM.S&A.FAM |
||
‘that horse (close to A, not so close to S)’ | ‘that horse (not so close to S, S and A know about)’ |
Serial Demonstratives composed of three elements are used in complex positioning exercises where the speaker wants to guide the addressee through a multifarious environment.
|
|
3-string Demonstratives (Hékǒu Hmong) |
||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(36) |
a. |
to21 |
nən21 |
phua33 |
tau24 |
ka44 |
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.DIST++ |
DEM.S.FRO |
DEM.A.PROX |
‘that horse’ (ahead very far away and close to addressee) |
|
b. |
to21 |
nən21 |
phua33 |
ti24 |
i44 |
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.DIST++ |
DEM.S.OPPOS |
DEM.S&A.FAM |
‘that horse’ (on opposite side of speaker very far away and familiar) |
|
c. |
to21 |
nən21 |
phua33 |
tshai33 |
o44 |
||
|
|
CL |
horse |
DEM.S.DIST++ |
DEM.S.BACK |
DEM.S.DIST |
||
‘that horse’ (on back side of speaker very far away of speaker) |
(B) ‘Fusional’ Type
Ahmao exhibits three altitude categories: high (higher than speaker), equal (at the same height as speaker), and low (lower than speaker) in addition to four other demonstratives not marked for altitude. These altitude differences are strictly related to relative height as opposed to a specific geographical environment, even if this environment may imply altitude. To illustrate, the noun referring to a flying bird may be modified by the high demonstrative bɦi35, despite the fact that no special landscape is referred to. The following illustration is quoted from a folk story recorded by Wáng DéguāngSee Wáng Déguāng 王德光, 1986, Language material in the Weining dialect of the Miao language 威宁苗语话语材料. Mínzú Yǔwén 民族语文 3, 69-80. Example is quoted from page 75..
|
|
Deictic Centre: Speaker (Ahmao) |
|||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(37) |
|
ku55 |
la31 |
lu55 |
tʂho11 |
pi33tey33 |
nau31 |
vɦai35 |
ku55 |
la31 |
die31. |
|
|
1P SG |
like |
CL |
garment |
skin |
bird |
DEM:S:MED |
1P SG |
like |
really |
‘I like that garment made of bird skin (over there, not far away), I really like it.’ |
The threshold between ‘isolating’ and ‘fusional’ encoding lies between two and three deictic features (or one and two, if the deictic center as definitional feature is subtracted from the counting). Wēiníng Ahmao is a language with ‘fusional’ demonstratives, as more than half of its determiners exhibit three deictic features. Otherwise, Ahamo has an isolating morphology, as is the case with all the Miao languages in Southeast Asia.
Type of Demonstrative |
1st Feature: |
2nd Feature: |
3rd Feature: |
Form |
|
(Deictic Centre) |
(Distance) |
(Other) |
|
Distance Demonstratives |
Speaker |
proximal |
--- |
ȵi55 |
|
Speaker |
medial |
--- |
vɦai35 |
|
Speaker |
medial |
altitude: high |
bɦi35 |
Altitude Demonstratives |
Speaker |
medial |
altitude: equal |
tsai35 |
|
Speaker |
medial |
altitude: low |
ʈu35 |
|
Speaker |
distal |
altitude: equal |
tsau35 |
Positional Demonstrative |
Speaker |
--- |
position: opposite |
dɦi35 |
Recognitional Demonstrative |
Speaker & Addressee |
--- |
recognition: familiar |
i55 |
Table 26: ‘Fusional’ Demonstratives in Wēiníng Ahmao
(C) ‘Isolating’ Type
Central and Eastern Miao languages epitomize the ‘isolating’ type represented below by the Hmu language. In addition to the feature of deictic center, Hmu (and similar Miao languages) only builds one feature into the demonstratives: either distance or recognition. We call it ‘isolating’ encoding if only one extra feature is encoded in demonstratives.
Type of Demonstrative |
1st Feature: |
2nd Feature: |
3rd Feature: |
Form |
|
(Deictic Centre) |
(Distance) |
(Other) |
|
|
Speaker |
proximal |
--- |
noŋ35 |
Person Demonstratives |
Adressee |
proximal |
--- |
nən35 |
|
Speaker & Addressee |
proximal |
--- |
moŋ35 |
|
Speaker & Addressee |
distal |
--- |
ɛ33 |
Recognitional Demonstrative |
Speaker & Addressee |
--- |
recognition: familiar |
i55 |
Table 27: ‘Isolating’ Demonstratives in Hmu
Hmu uses a person-based systemA set of demonstratives that only involves the speaker as deictic center is called distance- or speaker-based, whilst a system that involves both the speaker and the addressee as deictic center is termed person-based. See Anderson and Keenan (1985: 282-284), Diessel (1999: 39).
Anderson, S. R., and E. L. Keenan, 1985, Deixis. In: T. Shopen, ed., Language description and syntactic description, Volume 3, 259-308. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Diessel, H., 1999, Demonstratives: Form, function, and grammaticalization. Amsterdam: Benjamins. of demonstratives. In example (38)Example (38) is quoted from Cáo (2001: 388).
Cáo Cuìyún 曹翠云, 2001, Comparison of Miao and Chinese 苗汉语比较. Guìyáng 贵阳: Guìzhōu Nationalities Press 贵州民族出版社., the demonstrative refers to a noun referent in close vicinity to the addressee, the demonstrative of (39)Example (39) is quoted from Cáo (2001: 395).
Cáo Cuìyún 曹翠云, 2001, Comparison of Miao and Chinese 苗汉语比较. Guìyáng 贵阳: Guìzhōu Nationalities Press 贵州民族出版社. infers proximal, and the demonstrative of (40)Example (40) is quoted from Cáo (2001: 386).
Cáo Cuìyún 曹翠云, 2001, Comparison of Miao and Chinese 苗汉语比较. Guìyáng 贵阳: Guìzhōu Nationalities Press 贵州民族出版社. distal distance to both the speaker and the addressee.
|
|
Deictic Centre: Addressee (Hmu) |
|||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(38) |
|
moŋ55 |
pɛ33 |
vi11 |
ta55 |
moŋ11 |
ɣəu35 |
moŋ55 |
tɕaŋ35 |
la13 |
ka35waŋ55 |
nən35 |
i33 |
hmaŋ44 |
ɛ55. |
|
|
2.SG |
let |
1.SG |
come |
go |
guard |
2.SG |
CL.plot |
land |
maize |
DEM.A.PROX |
NUM.1 |
evening |
SUG |
‘Let me guard that maize field of yours (close to you) for one evening.’ |
|
|
Deictic Centre: Speaker & Addressee (Hmu) |
||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(39) |
|
vi11 |
qa55 |
ta55 |
moŋ11 |
ɕhu33ɕha33 |
ta35 |
moŋ11 |
liaŋ11 |
tio44 |
lɛ33 |
qa33ta35 |
ɣaŋ55 |
moŋ35 |
|
|
1.SG |
then |
come |
go |
clean up |
take |
go |
bury |
COV.be at |
CL |
tail |
mountain |
DEM.S&A.PROX |
‘I went to take it (the dog) away and buried it in that mountain field (not far from both of us).’ |
|
|
Deictic Centre: Speaker & Addressee (Hmu) |
|||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(40) |
|
ta31 |
pa33 |
ka35 |
moŋ11 |
taŋ11 |
ɛ33. |
|
|
throw |
lump |
rice |
go |
head, end |
DEM.S&A.DIST |
‘[He] threw the lump of rice to that end of the field (far from both of us).’ |
The deictic feature of recognitionThis notion was developed by Himmelmann (1996: 230-239) and Diessel (1999: 106).
Diessel, Holger, 1999b, Demonstratives: Form, function, and grammaticalization. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Himmelmann, Nikolaus P., 1996, Demonstratives in Narrative Discourse: A Taxonomy of Universal Uses. In: Barbara Fox, ed., Studies in anaphora, pp. 205-254. Amsterdam: Benjamins. attempts to activate inactiveThis is information not mentioned in the immediately preceding discourse. and privateThis is information not shared by third parties different from speaker and addressee, such as general world or cultural knowledge, which is available to human species or to members of a speech community (e.g. the sun or the president). information shared by both the speaker and by the addressee. The deictic feature of recognition only exhibits one value: familiar. Since shared information pertains to the speaker and addressee, the familiar demonstrative has the deictic center of Speaker & Addressee and can be glossed by ‘the one/thing you know’.
Notably, exclusively familiar demonstratives are reported in Oceanic languagesFor example, the Nêlêmwa language (an Austronesian language spoken by 1,100 people in New Caledonia) uses a familiar demonstrative. See Bril (2004: 100).
Bril, Isabelle, 2004, Deixis in Nêlêmwa. In: G. Senft, ed., Deixis and demonstratives in Oceanic languages, pp. 99-127. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. and probably exist in several other languages. Hmu and other Miao languages meanwhile exhibit one familiar demonstrative that descend from the same cognate root *i. In folk stories, the familiar demonstrative typically functions as a long-distance, anaphoric element which reanimates topics that were mentioned some time agoExample (41) is quoted from Cáo (2001: 389).
Cáo Cuìyún 曹翠云, 2001, Comparison of Miao and Chinese 苗汉语比较. Guìyáng 贵阳: Guìzhōu Nationalities Press 贵州民族出版社..
|
|
Recognition: Familiar (Hmu) |
||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(41) |
|
ɛ44nən35, |
tɕu13ləi44 |
xhi33ta44 |
tɛ11 |
tia13 |
qa55 |
tɕu13təi55 |
ta55 |
moŋ11 |
khəu44 |
|
|
|
thus |
as soon as |
morning |
CL |
elder brother |
then |
really |
come |
go |
shake |
|
|
|
poŋ11 |
təu44ɬo35 |
i35 |
vu13nə13 |
vu13nə13 |
i33ɣəu13. |
|||||
|
|
CL:pair |
bamboo tree |
DEM:S&A:FAM |
with strength |
with strength |
continuously |
|||||
‘At dawn, the (elder) brother went to shake the bamboo tree (the one you know) continuously with great strength.’ |
The familiar demonstrative cannot be associated with noun referents whose identity can be derived from global or cultural knowledge, thus contradicting the personal and private nature of shared knowledge.
|
|
Recognition: Familiar (Hmu) |
|||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(42) |
|
* |
lɛ33 |
hnɛ33 |
i35 |
|
|
|
|
|
CL |
sun |
DEM.S&A.FAM |
|
|
(‘the sun’*) |
The familiar demonstrative is typically employed in a non-anaphoric sense, when the endeavor is to recall the addressee an object of shared experience not previously mentioned.
|
|
Recognition: Familiar (Hmu) |
||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(43) |
|
moŋ55 |
nin13 |
a55 |
so13 |
pi33 |
tɛ11 |
nɛ11 |
i35 |
ʑaŋ55 ? |
|
|
2P SG |
remember |
NEG |
reach |
NUM:3 |
CL |
fish |
DEM:S&A:FAM |
DP |
‘Don’t you remember the three fish?’ |
Personal pronoun systems in Miao languages are classified into two categories, depending on whether or not the dual pronouns are derived from the plural forms by suffixing the human classifier. Hmong (Western Miao) and Hmu (Central Miao) do not suffix the human classifier to the plural forms and epitomize type I. Hmong uses independent morphemes as dual pronouns with the exception of the 2nd person dual pronoun derived from the 2nd person plural pronoun by a tone change (type Ia). In Hmu, the number two is used as 1st person dual pronoun, whereas the 2nd and 3rd person dual pronouns are derived from the 2nd and 3rd person plural forms, respectively by a tone change (type Ib). Ahmao (Western Miao) and Xong (Eastern Miao) suffix the human classifier to the plural forms and belong to type II. In Ahmao, the number two (a55) as well as the human classifier (lɯ55) are suffixed collectively and have merged with the plural forms. Moreover, the 3rd person plural pronoun is derived from the 3rd singular pronoun via a suffix (Ahmao represents type IIa). In Xong, the dual pronouns are derived from plural pronouns by suffixing the human classifier (le35) to only the plural forms. The 3rd person pronoun is unmarked for number, representing singular and plural number (Xong represents type IIb).
The dual pronouns form part of the grammatical system in all Miao languages. Their use is obligatory for pronominal reference to two entities. Plural pronouns point to quantities that are greater than two.
Martha RatliffSee Ratliff, M., 2010, Hmong-Mien Language History. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. (See especially pp. 218-220.) reconstructs the singular und plural pronouns for Proto-Miao-Yao (except for 3rd person plural). Notable is the 1st person plural pronoun *N-pɔu which might be derived from the number ‘three’ in Proto-Miao-Yao. The original meaning of *N-pɔu was ‘group’ and provide a link to the Proto-Miao-Yao number *pjəu ‘three’. In contemporary Miao languages, both the 1st person plural pronoun and the number ‘three’ are homophones.
|
|
Type Ia |
Type Ib |
Type IIa |
Type IIb |
(1 dual from plural by tone change) |
(2 duals from plural by tone change) |
(3 duals from plural by suffix, 1 plural from singular by suffix) |
(3 duals from plural by suffix, 1 ambiguous) |
||
|
Proto-Miao-YaoThe Proto-Miao pronoun forms are quoted from Ratliff (2010:218). Ratliff, M., 2010, Hmong-Mien Language History. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. |
HmongThe Hmong data presented in this section originate from Hékǒu 河口 county and are quoted from Xióng and Cohen (2005: 64-66). Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社. |
HmuThe pronoun data from Hmu (Central Miao) were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2003-2005. | AhmaoThe Ahmao data presented in this section were collected by Matthias Gerner during 1997-1998. |
XongThe Xong dialect represented in this section is spoken in Fènghuáng 凤凰县 county of in Húnán province. The pronoun data are quoted from Sposato (2015: 302). Sposato, A. M., 2015, A grammar of Xong. PhD Dissertation. New York: State University of New York at Buffalo. |
1st Person Singular |
*kɛŋBThis form only represents Proto-Miao. |
ko35 |
vi11 |
ku55 |
ve43 |
2nd Person Singular |
*mṷei |
kao42 |
moŋ55 |
gi31 |
mon454 |
3rd Person Singular |
*nȋæn(X) |
ni21 |
nən55 |
ȵɦi11 |
pɤ43This third person pronoun can be singular or plural and is unmarked for number. |
1st Person Dual |
|
u54Younger speakers supplant this traditional form by pe54ao54 to21 ‘we two’ (see Xióng and Cohen 2005: 66). |
o33The Hmu morpheme o33 means ‘two’ and ‘we two’. | a55lɯ55In Ahmao, a55lɯ55 has become the first person dual pronoun, where a55 means ‘two’ and lɯ55 is the human classifier. The form a55lɯ55 has further merged with the 2nd and 3rd person plural pronouns to form dual pronouns. |
pɛɰ41le35 |
2nd Person Dual |
|
me54Younger speakers replace this traditional form by me54o33to21 ‘you two’. See Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社, p. 66. |
maŋ33Younger speakers tend to replace this traditional form by moŋ55o33lɛ55 ‘you two’ (o33 ‘two’ and lɛ55 ‘human classifier’). | ma31lɯ55The 2nd person dual pronoun ma31lɯ55 is merged from mi31 ‘2.PL’, a55 ‘two’ and lɯ55 ‘human classifier’. |
man43le35 |
3rd Person Dual |
|
ngeu35Instead of this traditional form, younger speakers use pua33o33to21 ‘they two’. See Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社, p. 66. |
mɛ33Younger speakers tend to replace this traditional form by nən55o33lɛ55 ‘they two’ (o33 ‘two’ and lɛ55 ‘human classifier’). | ȵɦa11lɯ55The 3rd person dual pronoun ȵɦa11lɯ55 is merged from ȵɦi11 ‘3.SG’, a55 ‘two’ and lɯ55 ‘human classifier’. |
pɤ43le35 |
1st Person Plural |
*N-pɔu |
pe54 |
pi33 |
pi35 |
pɛɰ41This pronoun can optionally be suffixed by the plural morpheme ko43 as pɛɰ41ko43). |
2nd Person Plural |
*mȋəu |
me42 |
maŋ55Parallelly, people also use the form moŋ55do11 ‘they’. |
mi31 |
man43This pronoun can optionally be suffixed by the plural morpheme ko43 as man43ko43. |
3rd Person Plural |
--- |
pua54There are four other forms used for the 3rd Person Plural: ni21pua54, ni21me54, leu35, leu35tɕo35. See Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社, pp. 64-65. |
mɛ55Young speakers tend to replace this traditional form by nən55to11 ‘they’. |
ȵɦi11dzɦau35 |
pɤ43This pronoun can optionally be suffixed by the plural morpheme ko43 as pɤ43ko43. |
Table 28: Personal pronouns in Miao languages
Miao-Yao languages exhibit basic SVO order in simple clauses and sometimes use OSV order in topical constructions. Grammatical roles are encoded by unmarked nouns that are incorporated into the predicate, or by prepositions (coverbs) which are grammaticalized from verbs.
Several of Greenberg (1966)See Greenberg, J., 1966, Some Universals of Language with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements. In: J. Greenberg, ed., Universals of Language, pp. 73–113. Cambridge: MIT Press.’s universals connect the relative order of O and V to other dependency orders. This fact prompted Lehmann (1973)See Lehmann, W. P., 1973, A structural principle of language and its implications. Language 49, 47–66. to view the relative order of direct object and verb (VO or OV) as a deep property that affects the relative order of other dependency relations. Considering the Miao languages, which are of the type VO and where half of the dependency relations have D(ependent)H(ead) order and the other half HD order, Lehmann’s predictions do not seem to be accurate.
Level |
Relation |
1st slot |
2nd slot |
Languages |
Phrase |
Possessive |
Possessor noun (D) |
Possessee noun (H) |
Hmong, Ahmao, Hmu, Xong |
|
Adjectival |
Noun (H) |
Adjective (D) |
Hmu, Xong |
|
Adjectival (restrictive) |
Adjective (D) |
Noun (H) |
Hmong, Ahmao |
|
Adjectival (non-restrictive) |
Noun (H) |
Adjective (D) |
Hmong, Ahmao |
|
Nominalization |
Relative clause (D) |
Noun (H) |
Hmong, Ahmao, Hmu, Xong |
|
Adpositional |
Preposition (H) |
Noun phrase (D) |
Hmong, Ahmao, Hmu, Xong |
Clause |
Predicational |
Predicate (H) |
Arguments (D) |
Hmong, Ahmao, Hmu, Xong |
|
Predicational |
Adjunct (D) |
Predicate (H) |
Hmong, Ahmao, Hmu, Xong |
|
Negation |
Negative particle (H) |
Verb (D) |
Hmong, Ahmao, Hmu, Xong |
|
TAM |
Verb (D) |
Auxiliary (H) |
Hmong, Ahmao, Hmu, Xong |
Sentence |
Subordination |
Complementizer (H) |
Embedded clause (D) |
Hmong, Ahmao, Hmu, Xong |
Table 29: Dependency orders in Miao languages
We illustrate the different dependency relations in the Miao group in the remainder of this section.
(A) Possessive Relations
Throughout the Miao group, possessors precede possessees. A classifier is obligatory in the event the possessive relation is inalienable. In Xong, no classifier except for a linker is used between the possessor and possessee.
|
|
Hmong |
|||||||
(44) |
a. |
nphoŋ44 |
te31 |
n̥a55 |
|
b. |
kau42 |
lo43 |
phi31tɕhi24 |
|
|
lion |
CL |
tooth |
|
|
2.SG |
CL |
temper |
|
|
Possessor (D) |
Possessee (H) |
|
|
Possessor (D) |
Possessee (H) |
||
‘the lion’s teeth’ | ‘your temper’ |
|
|
Ahmao |
|||||||
(45) |
a. |
qai55 |
dzɦo35 |
l̥aɯ53paɯ44 |
|
b. |
ku55 |
ŋkai53 |
a55ma31 |
|
|
hen |
CL |
neck |
|
|
1.SG |
CL.MED.DEF |
eye |
|
|
Possessor (D) |
Possessee (H) |
|
|
Possessor (D) |
Possessee (H) |
||
‘the hen’s neck’ | ‘my eyes’ |
In Hmu, a classifier categorizing the possessee is required in possessive NPs in case the possessive relation is inalienable. If however, it is alienable, the use of the linker paŋ31 becomes optional.
|
|
Hmu |
||||||||
(46) |
a. |
naŋ33 |
lai33 |
ɢa33tɕʰu33 |
|
b. |
nən55 |
paŋ31 |
lɛ33 |
pi55səi55 |
|
|
snake |
CL |
belly |
|
|
3.SG |
LNK |
CL |
money |
|
|
Possessor (D) |
Possessee (H) |
|
|
Possessor (D) |
|
Possessee (H) |
||
‘the snake’s belly’ | ‘his money’ |
In Xong, the linker naŋ44 instead of classifiers is obligatory in possessive NPs.
|
|
XongXong is an Eastern Miao language spoken by 900,000 people in Húnán province. The data originate from Huāyuán 花垣 county and were collected by Matthias Gerner in 2007. | |||||||
(47) |
a. |
ve43 |
naŋ44 |
qo44tɯ44 |
|
b. |
ʑuŋ31 |
naŋ44 |
pa44ȵo31 |
|
|
1.SG |
LNK |
hand |
|
|
sheep |
LNK |
mouth |
|
|
Possessor (D) |
|
Possessee (H) |
|
|
Possessor (D) |
|
Possessee (H) |
‘my hand’ | ‘the sheep's mouth’ |
(B) Adjectives
Some Miao languages, particularly Western Miao languages, allow attributive adjectives (D) to occur before or after the head noun (H) with a semantic difference. They restrict reference of the noun before the noun; similarly, they describe the noun without restricting reference after the noun.
|
|
HmongSee Xióng and Cohen (2005: 66-68). Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社. |
|||||||
(48) |
a. |
lo54 |
ɢo54 |
ŋao42 |
|
b. |
lo54 |
ŋao42 |
ɢo54 |
|
|
CL |
old |
boat |
|
|
CL |
boat |
old |
|
|
|
Adjective (D) |
Noun (H) |
|
|
|
Noun (H) |
Adjective (D) |
‘the old boat’ (restrictive) | ‘the boat which is old’ (non-restrictive) |
|
c. |
dɾang54 |
mi35 |
dɾa33 |
|
d. |
dɾang54 |
dɾa33 |
mi35 |
|
|
CL |
small |
knife |
|
|
CL |
knife |
small |
|
|
|
Adjective (D) |
Noun (H) |
|
|
|
Noun (H) |
Adjective (D) |
‘the small knife’ (restrictive) | ‘the knife which is small’ (non-restrictive) |
Descriptive non-restrictive adjectives that are posed following the head noun are typically flanked by demonstratives whose function is to identify the referent.
|
|
AhmaoThe Ahmao data were collected by Matthias Gerner during 1997-2005. | ||||||||
(49) |
a. |
dla53 |
lie54 |
ntey55 |
|
b. |
dla53 |
ntey55 |
lie54 |
vɦai35 |
|
|
CL.AUG.DEF |
red |
book |
|
|
CL.AUG.DEF |
book |
red |
DEM.S.MED |
|
|
|
Adjective (D) |
Noun (H) |
|
|
|
Noun (H) |
Adjective (D) |
|
‘the red book’ (restrictive) | ‘the book which is red’ (non-restrictive) |
However, in Hmu and Xong, attributive adjectives occur only after the head noun, as illustrated for Hmu by the following restrictive adjective modified by the superlative modifier. Example (50a) in ungrammatical, while (50b) is grammatical. See also examples (51a) and (51b) in Xong.
|
|
HmuThe Hmu data were discussed with native Hmu speakers by Matthias Gerner during 2012-2015. | ||||||||||
(50) |
a. |
* |
lɛ33 |
sʰa44 |
ɬʰiə33 |
ɢa33ɣu35tɯ44 |
|
b. |
lɛ33 |
ɢa33ɣu35tɯ44 |
sʰa44 |
ɬʰiə33 |
|
|
|
CL |
SUP |
big |
forest |
|
|
CL |
forest |
SUP |
big |
|
|
|
|
Adjective (D) |
Noun (H) |
|
|
|
Noun (H) |
Adjective (D) |
||
‘the greatest forest’ | ‘the greatest forest’ (restrictive / non-restrictive) |
|
|
XongThe Xong data originate from Huāyuán 花垣 county and were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2007. | |||||||
(51) |
a. |
ŋuŋ22 |
ʑu22 |
ɢo54 |
|
b. |
le35 |
te35te35 |
tsʰo54 |
|
|
CL |
ox |
old |
|
|
CL |
child |
naughty |
|
|
|
Noun (H) |
Adjective (D) |
|
|
|
Noun (H) |
Adjective (D) |
‘the old ox’ (restrictive / non-restrictive) | ‘the naughty child’ (restrictive / non-restrictive) |
(C) Nominalization
All Miao languages prepose relative clauses to the head noun that they modify. Unlike Hmong, Ahmao, and Xong which involve nominalization particles, Hmu does not involve particles but rather flanks the noun with a classifier along with the recognitional demonstrative.
|
|
HmongSee Xióng and Cohen (2005: 66-68). Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社. |
|||||
(52) |
|
ni21 |
tsi35 |
tua44 |
le44 |
ɴɢai42 |
|
|
|
3.SG |
father |
shoot |
REL |
meat |
|
|
|
Nominalization (D) |
|
Noun (H) |
|||
‘The meat that his father shot’ (restrictive / non-restrictive) |
|
|
HmuThe Hmu data were collected by Matthias Gerner in 2003. | |||||||
(53) |
|
a55 |
mɛ55 |
vi11 |
təi35xʰi33 |
mɛ55 |
to11 |
χu44 |
i35 |
|
|
NEG |
have |
1.SG |
like |
buy |
CL |
thing |
DEM.S&A.FAM |
|
|
|
|
Nominalization (D) |
|
Noun (H) |
|||
There is nothing I would like to buy’ (restrictive / non-restrictive) |
|
|
XongThe Xong dialect represented in this section is spoken in Fènghuáng 凤凰县 county of in Húnán province. The pronoun data are quoted from Sposato (2015: 346). Sposato, A. M., 2015, A grammar of Xong. PhD Dissertation. New York: State University of New York at Buffalo. |
|||
(54) |
a. |
ve43 |
njɤ22 |
nɑ̃43 |
pi43tɤi43 |
|
|
1.SG |
buy |
REL |
bean |
|
|
Nominalization (D) |
|
Noun (H) |
|
‘The beans that I bought’ (restrictive) |
|
b. |
njɤ454 ɢɛɰ41 |
mõ454 |
kɑ̃22 |
ti43tɑ̃14 |
nɑ̃43 |
mɤ̃i43 |
miã454 |
ka44 |
nĩ22 |
le41? |
|
|
just now |
2.SG |
give |
money |
REL |
CL |
person |
DEM.A.PROX |
COP |
who |
|
|
Nominalization (D) |
|
|
Noun (H) |
|
|
||||
‘Who’s that person you just gave the money to?’ (non-restrictive) |
(D) Adposition
All Miao languages use prepositions, and not postpositions, as illustrated for Hmong, Ahmao, Hmu, and Xong.
|
|
HmongThe Hmong example belongs to the Miao speech of Hékǒu 河口 county and has been quoted from Xióng and Cohen (2005: 82). Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社. |
||||
(55) |
|
tsa42 |
tɾəu33 |
to54ʂaŋ54 |
ȵa33 |
leu21. |
|
|
money |
COV.hit |
thief |
steal |
ASP |
|
|
|
Preposition (D) |
Noun (H) |
|
|
‘The money was stolen by a thief.’ |
|
|
AhmaoThe Ahmao data were collected by Matthias Gerner during 1997-2005. | |||||||
(56) |
|
ɴɢai35 |
mpa33 |
tʂo31 |
tl̥i55 |
nɦau33 |
i54 |
qho33 |
saɯ33. |
|
|
meat |
pig |
COV.PASS |
dog |
eat |
NUM.1 |
CL |
DP |
|
|
|
|
Preposition (D) |
Noun (H) |
|
|
|
|
‘The pig meat was bitten off a piece by the dog.’ |
|
|
HmuThe Hmu example was collected by Matthias Gerner in 2003. | |||||
(57) |
|
nən55 |
na13 |
wi11 |
m̥a44 |
xʰɯ33. |
|
|
|
3.SG |
COV.with |
1.SG |
speak |
word |
|
|
|
|
Preposition (D) |
Noun (H) |
|
|
|
‘He is speaking with me.’ |
|
|
XongThe Xong data originate from Huāyuán 花垣 county were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2007. | |||
(58) |
|
tʂʰe44tsɨ54 |
taŋ22 |
ȵi35 |
pɛ42tei31. |
|
|
car |
park |
COV.be at |
outside area |
|
|
|
|
Preposition (D) |
Noun (H) |
‘The car is parking outside.’ |
(E) Arguments and Adjuncts
SVO is the basic word order in the Miao languages. The direct and indirect objects are placed after the verb, whereas adjunct noun phrases (locational NPs, instrumental NPs) occur prior to the head verb.
|
|
AhmaoThe Ahmao data were collected by Matthias Gerner during 1997-2005 | ||
(59) |
|
gi31 |
hau33 |
ɴɢɦai35. |
|
|
2.SG |
cook |
meat |
|
|
S |
V (Head) |
O (Dependent) |
‘You cook the meat.’ |
|
|
Hmu |
|||||
(60) |
|
vi11 |
ɕaŋ13 |
moŋ55 |
i33 |
lɛ33 |
fhu35ki35. |
|
|
1.SG |
tell |
2.SG |
NUM.1 |
CL |
matter |
|
|
S |
V (Head) |
B (Dependent) |
O (Dependent) |
||
‘I tell you something.’ |
|
|
XongThe Xong data originate from Huāyuán 花垣 county and were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2007. | ||||
(61) |
|
ve43 |
kɤ44 |
ʈe54 |
ʈa35 |
ɬe54. |
|
|
1.SG |
COV.take |
bowl |
ladle |
rice |
|
|
S |
INSTRUMENT (Dependent) |
V (Head) |
O |
|
‘I ladle the rice with a bowl.’ |
(F) Negation particles
If specified in a sentence, negation particles, TAMTense, Aspect and Modality. particles, and modal auxiliaries serve the purpose of the head, while the predicate signifies the dependent element. It is notable that negation particle precedes the predicate in all Miao languages.
|
|
HmongThe Hmong example originates from Hékǒu 河口 county in Yúnnán province and was recorded by Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 in discussion with Matthias Gerner in 2011. | |||||
(62) |
|
thǝu35 |
jeu35 |
tʂi44 |
khoŋ33. |
|
|
|
|
CL.bottle |
wine |
NEG |
empty |
||
|
|
|
|
Negation (Head) |
V (Dependent) |
||
‘The bottle of wine is not empty.’ |
|
|
AhmaoThe Ahmao example was collected by Matthias Gerner in 1997. | ||||
(63) |
|
zɦaɯ35 |
ɳu31 |
ȵi55 |
hi33 |
zau33. |
|
|
CL.AUG.DEF |
matter |
DEM.S.PROX |
NEG |
good |
|
|
|
|
|
Negation (Head) |
V (Dependent) |
‘This event is not good.’ |
|
|
Hmu |
||||
(64) |
|
moŋ55 |
ɛ44ɢǝi55ɕi35 |
a55 |
noŋ55 |
nǝn35? |
|
|
2.SG |
INT.why |
NEG |
eat |
MOD |
|
|
|
|
Negation (Head) |
V (Dependent) |
|
‘Why don’t you eat?’ |
|
|
XongThe Xong data originate from Huāyuán 花垣 county of Húnán 湖南 province and were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2007. | ||||||
(65) |
|
mon454 |
tɕe42 |
ɕaŋ54 |
muŋ22 |
tɯ35 |
sɛ35 |
tɕu22. |
|
|
2.SG |
NEG |
think |
go |
CONJ.then |
put |
DP |
|
|
|
Negation (Head) |
V (Dependent) |
|
|
|
|
‘If you don’t want to go, then let it be.’ |
(G) TAM particles
A tense, aspect, or modality particle generally has semantic scope over the sentence and thus is the head, with the predicate being the dependent element. In the Miao languages, the dependent element always precedes the head element.
|
|
Ahamo |
||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(66) |
|
ȵɦi11 |
ʈai11 |
hau11 |
ʑi31 |
daɯ11. |
|
|
3.SG |
again |
suck |
tobacco |
DP |
|
|
|
|
V (Dependent) |
|
TAM (Head) |
‘He has smoked again.’ |
|
|
Hmu |
|||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(67) |
|
lɛ33 |
tu35 |
moŋ55 |
ɕa35 |
sha35 |
ʑaŋ55. |
|
|
CL |
letter |
2.SG |
write |
wrong |
DP |
|
|
|
|
|
V (Dependent) |
TAM (Head) |
|
‘This letter, you wrote it wrongly.’ |
|
|
XongThe Xong data originate from Huāyuán 花垣 county of Húnán 湖南 province and were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2007. | |||
(68) |
|
pɯ22 |
χu44 |
ʎa31 |
ʑɛ44. |
|
|
3.SG |
inhall |
HAB |
tobacco |
|
|
|
V (Dependent) |
TAM (Head) |
|
‘He used to smoke.’ |
(H) Complementizers
In all Miao languages, complement clauses are introduced by grammaticalized verbs of sayings that function as complementizer. The following Hmu example is representative.
|
|
Hmu |
|||||||
(69) |
|
nǝn55 |
shǝn44 |
ho44 |
vi11 |
mɛ11 |
do44 |
ɣi33ɯ33ka35 |
lo11. |
|
|
3.SG |
believe |
COMPL.say |
1.SG |
buy |
get |
jade stone |
come |
|
|
|
|
Complementizer (H) |
Complement clause (D) |
||||
‘He believes that I buy jade stones.’ |
Coverbs are verbs that are grammaticalized as prepositions. It is possible to reconstruct a verbal meaning for the majority of Miao prepositions. The locational preposition is the lone preposition that has cognate forms in all Miao languages: ȵao54 (Hmong) / ȵo54 (Ahmao) / niaŋ33 (Hmu) / ȵi35 (Xong). The coverb ‘take’ is used variably to encode the roles of direct object and instrument; meanwhile the coverb ‘give’ can mark indirect objects; it further marks the causee in Xong. The coverbIn a narrow sense, the passive auxiliary (‘hit’) and similar elements are not prepositions, but matrix verbs. For a discussion on this viewpoint, see
Gerner, M., 2003, Passive of affect in Kam (Dong) and other Kadai languages: The missing link from synchrony. Australian Journal of Linguistics 23(1), 35-70. ‘hit’ is the marker of passive constructions.
Verb |
Coverb/Auxiliary |
Hmong |
Ahmao |
Hmu |
Xong |
||||||||
‘take’ |
|
mua54 |
|
khey11 |
|
ta35 |
|
kɤ44 |
|
||||
|
Direct object |
|
mua54 |
|
khey11 |
|
ta35 |
|
kɤ44 |
||||
|
Instrumental |
|
mua54 |
|
ʈhau33 |
|
ta35 |
|
kɤ44 |
||||
‘give’ |
|
tɾəu44 |
|
ma55 |
|
pɛ33 |
|
kaŋ31 |
|
||||
‘permit’ |
|
ja44 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
||||
‘say’ |
|
|
|
|
|
χo44 |
|
|
|
||||
‘make’ |
|
|
|
|
|
ɛ44 |
|
|
|
||||
‘wear’ |
|
|
|
|
|
tio44 |
|
|
|
||||
|
Indirect object |
|
tɾəu44 |
|
ʈhau33 |
|
tio44 |
|
kaŋ31 |
||||
|
Causee |
|
ja44 |
|
go31 |
|
χo44/ɛ44 |
|
kaŋ31 |
||||
|
Passive |
|
tɾəu33 |
|
tʂo31 |
|
ko13 |
|
to31 |
||||
‘hit’ |
|
tɾəu33 |
|
tʂo31 |
|
ko13 |
|
|
|
||||
|
Passive |
|
tɾəu33 |
|
tʂo31 |
|
ko13 |
|
to31 |
||||
|
Comitative |
|
ntɾo33 |
|
ɳɖo31 |
|
na13 |
|
ɳaŋ31 |
||||
|
(Resultative aspect) |
|
tɾəu33 |
|
tʂo31 |
|
ko13 |
|
|
||||
‘be at’ |
|
ȵao54 |
|
ȵo54 |
|
niaŋ33 |
|
ȵi35 |
|
||||
‘arrive’ |
|
tso33 |
|
dzo31 |
|
so13 |
|
|
|
||||
|
Location |
|
ȵao54 |
|
ȵo54 |
|
niaŋ33 |
|
ȵi35 |
||||
|
Direction |
|
tso33 |
|
dzo31 |
|
so13 |
|
qa54 |
Table 30: Cognate Coverbs in Miao languages
In Ahmao, the preposition ʈhau33, which has no verbal function, marks indirect objects (recipients) after the main verb. Furthermore, ʈhau33 is a preposition of instrumental NPs before the main verb. A preposition that ambiguously marks recipients and instruments is a rare phenomenon.
|
|
Preposition for Recipients and Instruments (Ahmao) |
||||||
(70) |
a. |
ku55 |
ma54 |
i54 |
dlɦa11 |
ntey55 |
ʈhau33 |
ȵi11. |
|
|
1.SG |
give |
NUM.1 |
CL.AUG.INDEF |
book |
COV |
3.SG. |
|
|
|
|
Direct Object |
|
Indirect Object |
||
‘I gave him one book.’ |
|
b. |
gi31 |
ʈhau33 |
dzɨ31 |
li33vɦau31 |
ȵi55 |
dʑɦo35 |
ti54. |
|
|
2.SG |
COV |
CL.AUG.DEF |
plough |
DEM.S.PROX |
plough |
soil |
|
|
|
|
Instrument |
|
|
||
‘I plough the earth with this plough.’ |
The passive coverb ko13 in Hmu functions as lexical verb meaning ‘be affected’, please refer to (71a). After the insertion of other verbs, it grammaticalized as resultative particle, as in (71b).
|
|
Passive and Resultative ‘hit’ (Hmu) |
||||||||
(71) |
a. |
moŋ55 |
tɛ11 |
tia11 |
ʑaŋ11 |
niaŋ33 |
ko13 |
qha33 |
no44 |
wa44. |
|
|
2.SG |
CL |
son |
lead |
bride |
COV.hit |
guest |
many |
very |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Agent |
||
‘When your son got married, you were flooded by guests.’ |
|
b. |
nən55 |
ŋi44 |
ko13 |
moŋ55. |
|
|
3.SG |
see |
RES |
2.SG |
‘He is highly regarding you.’ |
Bare verbs are a common feature in Miao-Yao languages and communicate ambiguous TAM (tense, aspect, and mood) meanings. Similar to other isolating East Asian languages, verbs are marked only for TAM concepts, and not for subject agreement. Standard TAM meanings are perfect, progressive, experiential, and habitual aspect, future tense, epistemic, or deontic mood. The verb particles encoding these concepts are grammaticalized verbs. In this subsection, we survey the most common TAM particles. We further sketch the counterfactual conjunction tɬa33χo44 in Hmu.
Aspect and mood particles are typically derived from directional verbs: ‘go’ (completive aspect), ‘come’ (inchoative aspect), and ‘pass’ (experiential aspect). The verb ‘get’ gives rise to deontic mood (‘can’) and the resultative aspect.
Verb |
Auxiliary |
HmongThe Hmong example belongs to the Miao speech of Hékǒu 河口 county and is quoted from Xióng and Cohen (2005: 54-56). Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩, 2005, Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社. |
AhmaoThe Ahmao data were collected by Matthias Gerner during 1997-2005. | HmuThe Hmu data were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2011-2015. | XongThe Xong data originate from Huāyuán 花垣 county were collected by Matthias Gerner during 2007-2008. | ||||||||
‘go’ |
|
mo21 |
|
mɦau11 |
|
moŋ11 |
|
muŋ22 |
|
||||
|
Continuous aspect |
|
|
|
l̥au33mɦau11 |
|
ta55moŋ11 |
|
lo54muŋ22 |
||||
|
Completive aspect |
|
mo21/taŋ21 |
|
|
|
moŋ11/tɕaŋ55 |
|
|
||||
‘come’ |
|
tua42 |
|
dɦa35 |
|
ta55 |
|
lo22 |
|
||||
‘descend’ |
|
ŋɦe11 |
|
l̥au33 |
|
ŋa11 |
|
lo54 |
|
||||
‘rise’ |
|
|
|
ʂey55 |
|
|
|
|
|
||||
|
Inchoative aspect |
|
tua42 |
|
ʂey55 |
|
ta55 |
|
lo54 |
||||
|
Perfect |
|
leu21/la33 |
|
daɯ11 |
|
ʑaŋ55 |
|
tɕu22 |
||||
‘leave over’ |
|
|
|
|
|
nio55 |
|
|
|
||||
|
Progressive aspect |
|
|
|
|
|
nio55 (restricted) |
|
|
||||
‘get’ |
|
tou44 |
|
tau33 |
|
to44 |
|
to54 |
|
||||
|
Resultative aspect |
|
tou44 |
|
tau33 |
|
to44 |
|
to54 |
||||
|
Deontic mood (‘can’) |
|
tou44 |
|
tau33 |
|
to44 |
|
to54 |
||||
‘pass’ |
|
tɬua44 |
|
tɕʰau33 |
|
fa31 |
|
qwa54 |
|
||||
|
Experiential aspect |
|
tɬua44 |
|
--- |
|
fa31 (restricted) |
|
qwa54 |
Table 31: Cognate Auxiliary Verbs in Miao languages
In Hmong (and other Miao languages), the verb tou44 ‘get’ has grammaticalized as auxiliary verb both before and after the insertion of plain verbs. Before other verbs, it functions as modal auxiliary with the meaning ‘can’; after verbs, it is a resultative particle.
|
|
Hmong |
||||||||||||
(72) |
a. |
ni21 |
tou44 |
keu21 |
ndeu35. |
|
b. |
ni21 |
qhe54 |
tou44 |
tʂe54. |
|||
|
|
3.SG |
can |
read |
book |
|
|
3.SG |
drive |
RES |
car |
|||
‘He can attend school.’ | ‘He drove up the car.’ |
In Hmu, there are two independent verbs for ‘come’, ta55 and lo11. Both verbs share the property that for the second and third person subjects, the speaker is the deictic center (movement towards me), while the addressee for first person subjects is the deictic center (movement towards you). The difference between both verbs lies in the fact that lo11 conveys the fact that the subject is somehow associated with the destination of the movement. In many contexts, lo11 can be translated as ‘come back’.
|
|
Hmu |
||||||||||||
(73) |
a. |
wi11 |
ta55 |
ləi44 |
kha35lin55. |
|
b. |
moŋ55 |
/ |
nən55 |
ta55 |
ləi44 |
kha35lin55. |
|
|
|
1.SG |
come |
arrive |
Kǎilǐ |
|
|
2.SG |
|
3.SG |
come |
arrive |
Kǎilǐ |
|
‘I come to Kǎilǐ’ (addressee in Kǎilǐ now) | ‘You / (s)he come(s) to Kǎilǐ’ (speaker in Kǎilǐ now) |
(74) |
a. |
wi11 |
lo11 |
ləi44 |
kha35lin55. |
|
b. |
moŋ55 |
/ |
nən55 |
lo11 |
ləi44 |
kha35lin55. |
|
|
1.SG |
come |
arrive |
Kǎilǐ |
|
|
2.SG |
|
3.SG |
come |
arrive |
Kǎilǐ |
‘I come to KǎilǐAdditional meaning: The subject is associated with Kǎilǐ in some way..’ (addressee in Kǎilǐ now) | ‘You/(s)he come(s) to KǎilǐAdditional meaning: The subject is associated with Kǎilǐ in some way..’ (speaker in Kǎilǐ now) |
The verbs ta55 ‘come’ and moŋ55 ‘go’ (though not lo11 ‘come’) have grammaticalized as aspectual auxiliaries: the verb ta55 ‘come’ as inchoative marker, the verb moŋ55 ‘go’ as completive marker, and the compound ta55moŋ55 as continuous aspect marker.
|
|
Hmu |
|||
(75) |
|
nən55 |
kən55 |
ta55 |
ʑaŋ55. |
|
|
3.SG |
cry |
INCH |
DP |
‘He starts crying.’ |
(76) |
|
nən55 |
noŋ55 |
ka35 |
moŋ55. |
|
|
3.SG |
eat |
food |
COMPL |
‘He has eaten up his meal.’ |
(77) |
|
wi11 |
noŋ31 |
ɛ44 |
ta55moŋ55. |
|
|
1.SG |
alone |
do |
CONTINUE |
‘I continue to do it by myself.’ |
Like many East Asian languages, the Xong verb qwa54 ‘pass, cross’ has grammaticalized as experiential aspect marker. Not all Miao languages use experiential markers (e.g. Ahmao) or, if they do, use them productively (e.g. Hmu). However, the experiential marker in Xong co-occurs with a wide range of verbs.
|
|
Xong |
|||
(78) |
|
pɤ43 |
qwa54 |
tsɤ42 |
muŋ22. |
|
|
3.SG |
pass, cross |
bridge |
go |
‘He has gone over the bridge.’ |
(79) |
|
mon454 |
pʰu44 |
qwa54 |
tu54 |
bei54 |
me42? |
|
|
2.SG |
say |
EXP |
word |
dream |
INT |
‘Have you ever talked in your dreams?’ |
Counterfactual clauses are conditional clauses (p → q) conveying the belief of the speaker that the protasis (p) and the apodosis (q) do not holdSee Iatridou, S., 2000, The Grammatical Ingredients of Counterfactuality. Linguistic Inquiry 31(2), 231-270; in particular pp. 231-232.. A past counterfactual suggests that p and q did not hold at a particular time in the past, whereas a present counterfactual indicates that p and q do not hold at the present time.
Many authors argued that (in English) the counterfactuality of the protasis is conversationally implicated, as opposed to being asserted. Two arguments that lend credence to this view have been advanced. First, the truth of a counterfactual protasis can be asserted in the same sentence without the effect of contradiction. Second, the truth of a counterfactual protasis can be negated without the effect of redundancySee Iatridou, S., 2000, The Grammatical Ingredients of Counterfactuality. Linguistic Inquiry 31(2), 231-270; in particular pp. 232..
(80) |
a. |
If the patient had the measles, he would have exactly the symptoms he has now. We conclude, therefore, that the patient has the measles. |
Assertion of protasis (without effect of contradiction) |
|
b. |
If John were at home, we would see light in his room. His room is dark; therefore, he is not at home. |
Negation of protasis (without effect of redundancy) |
Some languages, however, do not only conversationally implicate, but also assert and encode the conterfactuality of the protasis, typically by means of a specialized conjunction. The Hmu language uses such a counterfactual conjunction. Languages of the world can be classified into four typesSee Yōng Qiàn 雍茜, 2016, A typology of counterfactual clauses. PhD Dissertation. Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong, in particular pp. 97-114. depending on whether or not they use specialized temporal (‘when’), conditional (‘if’), and counterfactual conjunctions.
|
Languages with |
Example |
---|---|---|
Type I |
One conjunction: temporal/conditional/counterfactual clauses |
Lisu |
Type II |
Two conjunctions: Temporal/conditional vs. counterfactual |
Aleut |
Type III |
Two conjunctions: Temporal vs. conditional/counterfactual |
English |
Type IV |
Three conjunctions: Temporal vs. conditional vs. counterfactual |
Hmu |
Table 32: Languages by number of conjunctions
Languages without specialized counterfactual conjunctions, such as English, use “fake” past tense, “fake” imperfective and/or lexical elements in order to implicate the counterfactualitySee Bjorkman, B. and C. Halpert, 2012, In an imperfective world: Deriving the typology of counterfactual marking. Presented at the Modality Workshop at the University of Ottawa, April 20-21, 2012. of the protasis.
(81) |
|
If I knew the answer now, I would tell you. |
(Fake Past Tense) |
Hmu contains three conjunctions: the temporal conjunction ɕaŋ31 ‘when’, the conditional conjunction χaŋ35χo44 ‘if’, and the counterfactual conjunction tɬa33χo44. The counterfactual conjunction is grammaticalized from the verb tɬa33 ‘cheat’ and the verb χo44 ‘say’. The following example illustrates the function of tɬa33 as a verb.
|
|
Verb tɬa33 ‘cheat’ (Hmu) |
||||||||||
(82) |
|
nɛ55tɕu33 |
tɬa33 |
moŋ55, |
sei55 |
niu13. |
|
|||||
|
|
other people |
cheat |
you |
also |
gullible |
|
|||||
‘Other people cheat you and you are gullible.’ |
The conditional and counterfactual conjunctions form a minimal pair in the following two illustrations. Given that Hmu does not have any grammatical tense, the counterfactual ambiguously expresses a present and past counterfactual. The protasis refers to an unrealizable situation if interpreted literally, but is realizable if understood metaphorically.
|
|
Conditional Conjunction χaŋ35χo44 ‘if’ (Hmu) |
|||||||||||||
(83) |
|
χaŋ35χo44 |
moŋ55 |
ɛ44 |
to44, |
ɢa55 |
ɢoŋ13 |
moŋ55 |
paŋ31 |
tɕo55 |
xhi33 |
ta35 |
ta55 |
tio44 |
wi11. |
|
|
COND:if |
2.SG |
do |
can |
then |
tear out |
2.SG |
LNK |
CL |
heart |
take |
come |
to |
1.SG |
Conditional: ‘If you are able, pull your heart out and give it to me.’ |
|
|
Counterfactual Conjunction tɬa33χo44 ‘if’ (Hmu) |
|||||||||||||
(84) |
|
tɬa33χo44 |
moŋ55 |
ɛ44 |
to44, |
ɢa55 |
ɢoŋ13 |
moŋ55 |
paŋ31 |
tɕo55 |
xhi33 |
ta35 |
ta55 |
tio44 |
wi11. |
|
|
COUNT:if |
2.SG |
do |
can |
then |
tear out |
2.SG |
LNK |
CL |
heart |
take |
come |
to |
1.SG |
Present Counterfactual: ‘If you were able, you would pull your heart out and give it to me.’ | |||||||||||||||
Past Counterfactual: ‘If you had been able, you would heave pulled your heart out and given it to me.’ |
In contrast to English, the counterfactual meaning is not only implicated, but also encoded. We cannot assert the truth of a counterfactual protasis without the effect of contradiction (compare with the English example 80a).
|
|
Counterfactual Conjunction tɬa33χo44 ‘if’ (Hmu) |
|||||||||||||
(85) |
a. |
tɬa33χo44 |
nən55 |
paŋ31 |
lɛ33 |
tsɛ35 |
tio13 |
moŋ55 |
paŋ31, |
wi11 |
noŋ44 |
tiaŋ13ti33. |
|||
|
|
COUNT:if |
3.SG |
LNK |
CL |
house |
COP |
2.SG |
LNK |
1.SG |
want, must |
fight |
|||
Present Counterfactual: ‘If his house belonged to you, I would fight.’ | |||||||||||||||
Past Counterfactual: ‘If his house had belonged to you, I would have fought.’ |
|
|
Intra-sentential Assertion of Protasis (with effect of Contradiction) |
|||||||||||
|
b. |
* |
nən55 |
paŋ31 |
lɛ33 |
tsɛ35 |
niaŋ33taŋ11 |
tio13 |
moŋ55 |
paŋ31, |
wi11 |
noŋ44 |
tiaŋ13ti33. |
|
|
|
3.SG |
LNK |
CL |
house |
since |
COP |
2.SG |
LNK |
1.SG |
want, must |
fight |
‘Since his house belongs to you, I will fight.’ |
In the same vein, it is unnatural to negate the protasis of a counterfactual clause since it would produce a sense of redundancy (compare with the English example 80b).
|
|
Counterfactual Conjunction tɬa33χo44 ‘if’ |
||||||||||||||
(86) |
a. |
tɬa33χo44 |
tɛ11 |
nɛ55 |
noŋ35 |
a55 |
ɛ44 |
ʑaŋ31, |
pi33 |
ɢa55 |
a55 |
ta35 |
nən55 |
tio44 |
koŋ33 ŋɛ33tɕi31 |
ʑɯ13. |
|
|
COUNT:if |
CL |
person |
DEM.S.PROX |
NEG |
do |
evil |
1.PL |
then |
NEG |
take |
3.SG |
to |
police |
DP |
Present Counterfactual: ‘If this man didn’t do evil, we wouldn’t transfer him to the police.’ | ||||||||||||||||
Past Counterfactual: ‘If this man hadn’t done evil, we wouldn’t have transferred him to the police.’ |
|
|
Intra-sentential Negation of Protasis (with effect of Redundancy) |
||||||||||||||
|
b. |
# |
pi33 |
ta35 |
nən55 |
tio44 |
koŋ33 ŋɛ33tɕi31 |
ʑaŋ55, |
ɛ44nən35 |
tɛ11 |
nɛ55 |
noŋ35 |
ɛ44 |
ʑaŋ31 |
ʑaŋ55. |
|
|
|
|
1.PL |
take |
3.SG |
to |
police |
DP |
therefore |
CL |
person |
DEM.S.PROX |
do |
evil |
DP |
|
‘We transferred him to the police; this man has thus done evil.’ |
Sources
Anderson, S. R., and E. L. Keenan. (1985). Deixis. In: T. Shopen (ed.), Language description and syntactic description, Volume 3, 259-308. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Andruski, J. and M. Ratliff. (2000). Phonation types in production of phonological tone: The case of Green Mong. Journal of International Phonetic Association 30, 37-61.
Barker, C. (2004). Possessive Weak Definites. In: J. Kim, Y. Lander, B. Partee (eds.), Possessives and beyond: Semantics and Syntax, 89-113, University of Massachusetts at Amherst.
Bjorkman, B. and C. Halpert (2012). In an imperfective world: Deriving the typology of counterfactual marking. Presented at the Modality Workshop at the University of Ottawa, April 20-21, 2012.
Bril, Isabelle. (2004). Deixis in Nêlêmwa. In: G. Senft (ed.), Deixis and demonstratives in Oceanic languages, 99-127. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
Bunt, H. (1979). Ensembles and the formal semantic properties of mass terms. In: F. Pelletier (ed.), Mass terms: Some philosophical problems, 279-294, Reidel, Dordrecht.
Bunt, H. (1985). Mass terms and model-theoretic semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Cáo Cuìyún 曹翠云. (2001). Comparison of Miao and Chinese 苗汉语比较. Guìyáng 贵阳: Guìzhōu Nationalities Press 贵州民族出版社.
Campbell, L. (1998). Historical linguistics: An introduction to its principles and procedures. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Diessel, H. (1999b). Demonstratives: Form, function, and grammaticalization. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Enç, M. (1991). The Semantics of Specificity. Linguistic Inquiry 22, 1-25.
Enwall, J. (1994). A myth become reality. History and development of the Miao written language. Vol. 1 and 2. Stockholm: University of Stockholm.
Gerner, M. (2003). Passive of affect in Kam (Dong) and other Kadai languages: The missing link from synchrony. Australian Journal of Linguistics 23(1), 35-70.
Gerner, M. (2009). Deictic features of demonstratives: A typological survey with special reference to the Miao group. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 54(1), 43-90.
Gerner, M. (2017). Specific classifiers versus unspecific bare nouns. Lingua 188, 19-31.
Gerner, M. and W. Bisang (2008). Inflectional Speaker-Role Classifiers in Wēiníng Ahmao. Journal of Pragmatics 40(4), 719-732.
Gerner, M. and W. Bisang (2009). Inflectional classifiers in Wēiníng Ahmao: Mirror of the history of a people. Folia Linguistica Historica 30(1/2), 183-218. Societas Linguistica Europaea.
Gerner, M. and W. Bisang (2010). Classifier declinations in an isolating language: On a rarity in Wēiníng Ahmao. Language and Linguistics 11(3), 576-623. Taibei: Academia Sinica.
Greenberg, J. (1966). Some Universals of Language with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements. In: J. Greenberg (ed.), Universals of Language, 73–113. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Himmelmann, N. P. (1996). Demonstratives in Narrative Discourse: A Taxonomy of Universal Uses. In Barbara Fox (ed.), Studies in anaphora, 205-254. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Iatridou, S. (2000). The Grammatical Ingredients of Counterfactuality. Linguistic Inquiry 31(2), 231-270.
Jenks, R. (1994). Insurgency and social disorder in Guìzhōu. The “Miao” Rebellion 1854-1873. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Johnson, M. (1999). Tone and phonation in Western A-Hmao. SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics 9, 227-251.
Lehmann, W. P. (1973). A structural principle of language and its implications. Language 49, 47–66.
Lyman, T. A. (1979). Grammar of Mong Njua (Green Miao). Sattley, California: The Blue Oak Press.
Mohanan, T. (1994). Arguments in Hindi. CSLI Publication, Stanford.
Niederer, B. (1998). Les langues Hmong-Mjen (Miáo-Yáo): Phonologie historique. Lincom Studies in Asian Linguistics 7. Munich: Lincom Europa.
Purnell, H. (1970). Toward a reconstruction of Proto-Miao-Yao. PhD dissertation. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University.
Ratliff, M. (2010). Hmong-Mien Language History. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
Sagart, L. (1995). Chinese ‘buy’ and ‘sell’ and the direction of borrowings between Chinese and Hmong-Mian: A response to Haudricourt and Strecker. T'oung Pao 81 (4-5), 328-324.
Savina, F. M. (1924). Histoire des Miao. Paris: Société des Missions Etrangères.
Sposato, A. M. (2015). A grammar of Xong. PhD Dissertation. New York: State University of New York at Buffalo.
Trask, R. L. (1996). Historical Linguistics. London: Edward Arnolds Publishers.
Wáng Déguāng 王德光 (1986). Language material in the Weining dialect of the Miao language 威宁苗语话语材料. Mínzú Yǔwén 民族语文 3, 69-80.
Wáng Déguāng 王德光 (1987). Additional remarks on the classifiers of the Miao language in Wēiníng county. 贵州威宁苗语量词拾遗. Minzu Yuwen 民族语文 5, 36-39.
Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世 (1957). The classifier in the Wēiníng dialect of the Miao language 贵州威宁苗语量词. Yuyan Yanjiu 语言研究, 75-121.
Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世 (1979). The comparison of initials and finals of Miao dialects 苗语方言声母韵母比较. Monograph presented at the 12th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, October 19-21, Paris.
Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世 (1994). Reconstruction of the sound system of Proto-Miao 苗语古音构拟. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa.
Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世 and Máo Zōngwǔ 毛宗武 (1995). Reconstruction of the sound system of Proto-Miao 苗语古音构拟. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press 中国社会科学出版社.
Wáng Fǔshì 王辅世 and Wáng Déguāng 王德光 (1986). The tones of the Miao language in Wēiníng of Guìzhōu province 贵州威宁苗语的声调. Ms.
Xióng Yùyǒu 熊玉有 and Diana Cohen 戴虹恩 (2005). Student’s practical Miao-Chinese-English Handbook 苗汉英学习实用手册. Kunming: Yúnnán Nationalities Press 云南民族出版社.
Population Annals of Guangxi Province 广西通志 人口志 (1993). Nanning: Guangxi People’s Publisher House.
Yōng Qiàn 雍茜 (2016). A typology of counterfactual clauses. PhD Dissertation. Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong.
Zhāng Yǒngxiáng 张永祥 and Xǔ Shìrén 许士仁 (2005). Miao Han Dictionary 苗汉词典. Guiyang: Guìzhōu Nationalities Press 贵州民族出版社.